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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1965)~66권0호(2018) |수록논문 수 : 710
사림(성대사림)
66권0호(2018년) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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16세기 동아시아에서의 책봉호의 정치적 의미 ― 국제정세의 변동과 백제의 책봉호에 반영된 인식을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 정동준 ( Jeong Dong-jun )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 1-26 (26 pages)

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This article compared and analyzed the general title or Sanguan(散官, prestige title) appointed for Baekje or other surrounding countries by Chinese southern dynasties, Northern Qi(北齊) and Sui(隋). Furthermoret, a appointer's perception reflected in Ningdongdajiangjun(寧東大將軍, general title) and Dongqingzhoucishi(東靑州刺史, province governor) which are representative appointment titles, and the status of Baekje in the international order of East Asia were examined. A summary is as follows.
In Chinese southern dynasties of 6th century, the number of appointment of surrounding countries decreased and hierarchizing between political organizations by the graded appointment of the general title diminished. As a result, the political use of the appointment title also decreased than the former period. Especially, appointment of western political organizations by Chinese dynasties and the political use of the appointment title decreased due to the depreciation in strategic value of western area because of Western Wei(西魏) and Northern Zhou(北周)'s territory expansion. There was a small change in Baekje's general title which had been practically fixed as Zhendongdajiangjun(鎭東大將軍, general title) during the 5th century. It was the degradation to Suidongjiangjun(綏東將軍, general title) in 524, and this appeared when Chinese southern dynasties appointed the lower general title than former period to surrounding countries. In the 6th century, Baekje was temporarily superior to Goguryeo on the general title unlike the 5th century when Baekje was inferior to Goguryeo throughout that century. It was the result of interaction of depreciating strategic value of Goguryeo and rising expectations for Baekje.
In Northern Qi and Sui of 6th century, the number of appointment of surrounding countries were remarkably less than that of Chinese southern dynasties, and hierarchizing between political organizations by the graded appointment of the general title almost disappeared. This phenomenon means that the political use of the appointment title has disappeared. It was possible because Northern Qi was actually able to make appointment for only eastern political organizations due to the geographic situation surrounded by Northern Zhou(北周), Turk(突厥) and so on, and Sui could control surrounding countries not by the appointment but by the political power since Sui was closer to a unified empire from the establishment stage. The later half of the 6th century, when Northern Qi and Sui made appointment for surrounding countries, is inappropriate to compare the status in the international order between the Three kingdoms of ancient Korea(三國) by analyzing the general title or Sanguan appointed by Chinese dynasties.
Ningdongdajiangjun which was appointed to King Muryeong(武寧王) was higher in rank than Ningdongjiangjun(寧東將軍, general title) appointed to king of Goguryeo in the same period. However, the reversal of the title disappeared by the appointment of King Seong(聖王) as Suidongjiangjun, which was lower in rank than Ningdongjiangjun. Dongqingzhoucishi was considered as the appointment title, as well as Dududongqingzhouzhugunshi (都督東靑州諸軍事, area commander-in-chief), which includes expectations of Northern Qi for the military support from Baekje. It is assumed that the appointment was made for Baekje because Northern Qi was not satisfied with the military support from Goguryeo and Silla which was accompanied by the appointment. The reason why Northern Qi had higher expectations in Baekje than Goguryeo and Silla is that they shared the same interests and needed each other.

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2백강(白江)전투 이후 당조(唐朝)의 대왜(對倭) 외교 인식 변화와 왜(倭), 신라(新羅)의 대응

저자 : 서광석 ( Seo Kwang-suk )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 27-55 (29 pages)

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The Tang Dynasty conquered Baekje and used it as a base for the attacking of Goguryo. However, the rebellion of the Baekje's adherents made Tang army face difficulties in Baekje. Thanks to the victory of the Battle of Baekgang in 663, the Tang Dynasty's situation in Baekje began to have change, but it was still threatened by the Japanese archipelago. In order to conquer Goguryo, the Tang Dynasty needs a stable rear. If the threat of Japan was not eliminated, the Tang army's strategy of attacking Goguryo cannot be successful. During this sensitive period, in 664, Guo Wucong,a Sima in Woongjin Command, he went to the Wei,which was a major negotiation that the Tang Dynasty strived to improve the relationship with the Wei after the Battle of Baekgang.

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3고려의 대후당(對後唐) 외교와 신라 ― '존왕론(尊王論)'의 전개와 관련하여 ―

저자 : 윤경진 ( Yoon Kyeong-jin )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 57-99 (43 pages)

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Examined in this article is the Goryeo government's policy in dealing with Chinese Hudang(後唐), based upon a recent study which revealed that an early Goryeo individual formerly known as the “Gangju prefect [知康州事, in this case, more like regent or 'head' than prefect] Wang Bong-gyu (王逢規),” which had been understood as some local leader operating in the Jinju region, was actually the Founder king of Goryeo, Taejo Wang Geon(王建) himself.
The reason Wang Geon initiated diplomatic talks with China under the name of the 'Leader of Gangju' than the 'Goryeo king' was to display a certain level of respect for Shilla. He even referred to such notion and attitude as “honoring the legitimate kingdom and its king ('Jon'wang-ron, 尊王論').” This was of course to stabilize his(Wang Geon's) own kingdom and absorb pro-Shilla elements into the Goryeo government. Wang Geon had his emissaries to China tag along the Shilla envoy, and the Hudang court as well considered Wang Geon's emissary as part of the Shilla delegation.
Yet later, when Shilla king Gyeong'ae(景哀王) was killed during Gyeon Hweon's invasion of Gyeongju and Gyeongsun(敬順王) was subsequently enthroned as the new Shilla king, Wang Geon decided no longer to maintain this notion. After the battle of Gochang-gun(古昌郡), Goryeo was able to annex most of Shilla's territory, and Wang Geon managed to reverse the nature of its relationship with the Shilla king (from being a vassal or subordinate to now newly a senior partner and superior) when he visited the Shilla capital as a victor.
With development of this new dynamic inside the Korean peninsula, Goryeo finally received an entitlement from Hudang, and Wang Geon himself changed his name to “Geon(建, 'found, erect, establish'),” in order to cut himself loose from the past when he was still a mere vassal of Shilla. This series of events provided Wang Geon with a much needed level of legitimacy which he direly required to become the new king of “Samhan(三韓, the Korean peninsula)”, and with this new authority Wang Geon annexed the rest of Shilla and dominated Hu-Baekje, ultimately achieving the reunification of the Korean peninsula.

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4거문도사건을 통해 본 1880년대 조선의 자국인식과 외교정책

저자 : 천수진 ( Cheon Su-jin )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 101-136 (36 pages)

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The purpose of this thesis is to reconsider the characteristic of Korean government's foreign policy towards the occupation of Geomundo(Port Hamilton) which was continued for two years from 1885 to 1887. This thesis focused on the fact that Korea was one of the minor powers in the 19th century. Therefore, this thesis would read the Korean intellectuals' self-consciousness of small country and find the concrete connection between the consciousness and the policy.
The characteristic of Korean government's foreign policy was a 'Small power's foreign policy' which had made the most use of both traditional tributary system and western treaty system. It was revealed in both two ways, the positive complaints and the passive entrustment, however, the final destination was always the protection of national independence and the survival among the great powers.

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5신라의 희생제의

저자 : 한영화 ( Han Young-hwa )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 137-164 (28 pages)

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This article examined the social meaning and the character of rituals through sacrifice, focusing on sacrifice in rituals performed in Silla.
Sacrifices in rituals are offerings to God. The act of sacrifice was performed for multiple Gods including the Heavenly God as the supreme deity and the Earth God, and had various purposes such as praying fertility and richness, the divination of good and bad luck, and the purification of contamination from crime. Sacrifices, as in the case of Buyeo(夫餘) and Yae(濊), were used to overcome natural disasters caused by floods and droughts, to take auspices in war, and to purify uncleanness or contamination occurred when violating taboos.
In rituals for the Heavenly God and the Earth God, it was confirmed that Goguryeo used pig and deer, while Baekje used deer mostly. It was reconfirmed that the kinds of sacrifices differed according to the conditions of life in each society, considering that sacrifices in China were mainly cow, sheep and pig while the northern nations used horse. Despite the difference in kinds of sacrifice, it was common that sacrifice was being made as an attempt to communicate with the gods of heaven in order to solve the problems on earth.
The kinds of sacrifice that were used in Silla were cow and horse. In the wells excavated centering around Gyeongju, cows, horses and deer bones were verified. A well, as a passage connected with the underground world, means a ritualistic space to read the will of heaven or pray for a holy being. There was high probability of ritual for rain was made through sacrifice especially in a space related to water such as a well or a pond, and the water-related rituals including a well were so important that they were organized as a national rituals in connection with floods or droughts.
Cow and horse appeared on record as well as in excavation. The 'Scapecow' in an epigraphic and the white horse in the biographies of Kim Yushin in Samguksagi(三國史記) are the examples. Especially the ritual of 'Scapecow' in an epigraphic is associated with the promulgation of Gyo(敎) and the execution of a sentence. Local people and the central government swore before the heaven about a specific issues in the ritual of 'Scapegoat', and it was considered to be a ritual of swearing before heaven(盟祭) because judgment or punishment was made and a warning was added in this process. The fact that the ritual of 'Scapegoat' was being carried out with the promulgation of Gyo even after the promulgation of the Law Code(律令) shows that the central government of Silla had limit to apply the 'law' throughout the regions only by their authority. Shamanistic indigenous religion and common law was deeply rooted in local people, so the most fundamental notion of being punished from heaven would have affected them. This notion appeared as the ritual of 'Scapecow'. Therefore, Silla's ritual of 'Scapegoat' is likely to be derived from their traditional ritual of swearing before heaven.

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6신라 종묘제의 변천과 태후

저자 : 이현주 ( Lee Hyun-ju )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 165-190 (26 pages)

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The royal family in the Middle Shilla Dynasty inherited the throne as a true king. Therefore, in order to strengthen the royal power, it was a priority to overcome the legitimacy of Previous kingship and to set the distinction between the king and the aristocrat. The introduction of the ancestor worship of the royal family was a way to strengthen the kingship of the royal family in the Middle Shilla Dynasty.
The Royal Ancestral Shrine System(宗廟制) in the Middle Shilla Dynasty was the center of the center, which declared the royal family 's legitimacy, and at the same time, mobilized the supporters of King Taejong(太宗 武烈王) and King Munmu(文武王).
The Royal Ancestral Shrine System(宗廟制) led to the Five-Temple System(五廟制) in King Simmun(神文王). The Five-Temple System was also part of the acceptance of the Confucian ruling ideology of the royal family and the establishment of a system based on it.
The King Hyegong(惠恭王) revised the Five-Temple System to the five graves of King First ancestor(始祖大王), King Taejong(太宗武烈王), King Munmu(文武王), and Grandfather and father's grave(親廟). This clarified the grounds for the existence of the royal family and at the same time it was a reorganization in a practical direction. It was settled in Shilla style.
The Royal Ancestral Shrine System(宗廟制) in the Last Shilla Dynasty was operated in the same way as in the Middle Shilla Dynasty. It was revised to King Aejang(哀莊王), and it was settled down to the succession of the kingship in the Middle Shilla Dynasty and established the legitimacy of the kingship king Wonsung(元聖王).
The Royal Ancestral Shrine System is to reveal the ancestral system of the king. On the other hand, the monarch of the king's parents is to increase the status of the individual' s paternal line and maternal line. Especially in the Shilla, in order to proclaim the legitimacy of the throne, it was necessary not only the lineage of the paternal line but also the lineage of the mother line. In the case of the same paternal origin, the origin of the mother was a factor that proved the legitimacy of the kingship and gave it a different status.

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7조선초기 원조(元朝) 인식과 화이론

저자 : 황희순 ( Hwang Hee-soon )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 191-223 (33 pages)

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This study aims at figuring out changes in Sino-barbarianism (華夷論, The theory that distinguishes China and Barbarian) through analyzing the changes in recognition of the Yuan Dynasty in the Early Joseon Dynasty. After foundation of Joseon, intellectuals still maintained Sino-barbarianism of the late Goryeo dynasty that focused on the situation and the culture. King Sejong(世宗, 1418-1450) emphasized Yonghabyeoni(用夏變夷) characteristics of former foreign dynasties to establish position of Joseon second to China. Therefore the Yuan dynasty could maintain legitimacy during the reign of King Sejong.
During the reign of King Sejo(世祖, 1455-1468), race-oriented Sino-barbarianism was magnified based on intensified study of Zhu Xi(朱熹, 1130-1200) and Master Hu's tradition of the Spring and Autumn Annals(春秋胡氏傳). Therefore race-oriented Sino-barbarianism and former Sino-barbarianism existed together during the reign of King Sejo. During the reign of King Seongjong(成宗, 1469-1494), race-oriented Sinobarbarianism was streng Confucian scholars led by Kim Jong-jik(金宗直, 1431-1492) despised the Yuan Dynasty as a foreign dynasty and denied its legitimacy with calling it barbarian Yuan(胡元). Therefore the changes in recognition of the Yuan dynasty in the Early Joseon dynasty shows how ideological trends of the late Goryeo dynasty were changing in Joseon.

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8조선인의 만주 이주와 일본의 식민지 지배 구조 ― 만주국 건국 이전을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 김영숙

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 225-256 (32 pages)

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植民地になった1910年以來、朝鮮から隣接している滿州に多數の朝鮮人が移住した。1930年前後に在滿朝鮮人は通常'一○○万人'と呼ばれていたが、日本領事館と滿鐵、朝鮮總督府の管轄權以外の地域での朝鮮人の人口は把握されていなかった。また、90%の人が農民でありながらも小作農民が多い一方、鐵道沿線と國境に住む人々は密賣で生活を支えているなど在滿朝鮮人の生活は不安定だった。
朝鮮人は中國に歸化しても、'日本帝國の臣民'という身分が維持され、二重國籍という問題を抱えていた。また、在滿朝鮮人には日本が中國を侵略する過程で締結した間島協定、滿蒙條約によって治外法權と商租權が與えられたが、その解釋をめぐる日中紛爭の被害をもうけざるをえなかった。日本は朝鮮人の獨立運動の取締を中國官憲に委ねる三矢協定を締結したが、中國の統一と日本の大陸侵略が衝突するなかで在滿朝鮮人に對する中國官憲の壓迫を强化する結果となった。
在滿朝鮮人に對する植民地支配は主に、日本領事館と朝鮮總督府が擔當したが、關東州では滿鐵が重要な役割をした。滿鐵は、調査と硏究以外に東亞勸業株式會社を通じた朝鮮人小作農の雇用、朝鮮人學校に對する支援にも關わった。日本領事館と朝鮮總督府は在滿朝鮮人に對するいわゆる'保護と取締'、'助長 撫育'を分擔しながら、下部組織として朝鮮人民會を活用した。

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9한국사와 68운동; 확장된 이해와 시선 ― 1960~1970년대 초 한국사회 저항운동을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 고지수 ( Koh Ji-soo )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 257-282 (26 pages)

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This study is a highly adventurous attempt to understand the world's 68 movement in 1968 and the Korean society's 'silent of resistance' in the same time year. And the author also knows that the study will have to faithfully reflect the subjective views of Korean history researchers. The start of the world-wide resistance movement in 1968 was a reality full of contradictions but the object, purpose and content of the protests were as different and special as the differences between historical constructions in each country.
From the point of view of the 68 movement, the silence of Korean society in 1968 was a very different phenomenon, and could it be included in the diversity of the 68 movement? This study began with this question. Although similar in terms of student-centered leadership, resistance to authoritarianism, and expression of resistance, there were different specialities in the resistance concept, purpose and content as different as historical space. To this end, this study tried to weave three themes that penetrated Korean society since and after 1968 into the context of Korean history: assignments of modernization and democratization, liberal democracy as resistance concepts, division systems of the Korean Peninsula and security issues.
The results of the study will show that the implementation of modernization and the democratization of the 1960s are comprehensive tasks that cannot be completed solely by the slogan of 'modernizing our country' and the growth logic of economic development. The 'nonhumanizing phenomenon', which began to emerge behind the economic growth of the 1970s, proves that the issue of transitioning democracy goes beyond 'political institutionalization' and is directly related to the problems of the human condition itself. Above all, the Cold War structure in Korean society was the most effective means of suppressing resistance in the 1960s and 1970s. This study explained in this context the 'silent' phenomenon of Korean society in 1968.

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10전한(前漢) 말(末) 국가제사(國家祭祀)의 중앙집중(中央集中) 편제(編制)

저자 : 김용찬

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 283-330 (48 pages)

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以西漢末平帝時期爲准的《漢書ㆍ地理志》里的各個地域擁有些祭祀設施,這些跟從成帝時期開始登場的郊祀應有密切關系。這些是國家權力從秦到西漢末期抓住的全國的祭祀設施中特別被選定的。位置上分開了三個部分。
第一,位于邊境的,它們與邊境外邊的五族――西南夷、越、羗、匈奴和朝鮮等五個異民族――有關系。它們一方面包括'天下',另一方面代表五族。五族可以與南郊中營的五星相比。
第二,在邊境內,有五岳四渎。除了淮渎淮水以外,別的都在《漢書ㆍ地理志》內。這似乎是五岳比四渎更優先考慮的,實際上南郊里,五岳在中營,四渎跟四海、名山和大川一起在外營。五岳代表中央和東、西、南、北的'天下'。
邊境的五族和這里邊的五岳跟南郊中營的五星和五官相比。五族和五星是威脅天地的秩序的,五岳和五官是代表天地的秩序。
第三,幾乎所有的祭祀設施都集中在司隸和齊地域,除了雍――秦以來的祭祀中心――以外,它們的比例相當。
然而,齊地域的一些祭祀設施被復制在司隸,爲了消除齊地域的强大的神力,幷將其力量集中在漢皇帝常住的司隸。齊地域的祭祀設施的中心是齊的八神,其中之核心天主天齊被搬到司隸,幷被降級爲天齊公。結果齊地域的完備的祭祀體制被破碎了。還一些齊地域的祭祀設施在司隸里再現的大部分集中到谷口。如果茂陵視爲天極的話,谷口的位置屬于齊的分野。因此,齊地域的祭祀設施將集中在谷口。此外,茂陵孝武廟、谷口仙人ㆍ天齊公ㆍ五帝、云陽甘泉泰畤的結構導致齊地域的臨淄天齊、朱虛五帝、不其仙人ㆍ明堂ㆍ太一再現的,這個結構是把齊地域固有的祭祀中心移到了司隸的。
司隸本身也一樣。雍是從秦把一百多祭祀設施被集中到,其中心是四畤――爲了各個方位的上帝――,高祖把四畤擴大到五畤。然后,在《漢書ㆍ地理志》的階段,雍的祭祀設施的數量增加到三百三個。此外,雍和周圍的黃帝、黃帝子(玄嚣ㆍ昌意)、黃帝孫(帝颛顼)此祭祀施設布置已成立秦的正統性。漢帝國繼承專注祭祀施設在雍,幷能勾負責秦區。
卽漢帝國把太一、天齊和五帝從齊地域集中到云陽,把五帝和黃帝相關神集中到雍,以漢皇帝親祭爲展示了“天下”的統治地位和絶對性。 這個復雜的祭祀制度雙重體系自成帝時期以來通過郊祀重建到漢皇帝中心的一元的國家祭祀。這個過程中,太一― ―齊地域的最高天神― ―被完全排除,天齊被降級爲天齊公,成爲地方祭祀的對象。五畤― ―秦地域的最高天神― ―也白改造成地方祭祀設施。郊祀登場以前把各個地域的所有的神集中到司隸,司隸里的祭祀設施逐漸增加了,漢帝國的支配力越來越擴大了。郊祀登場以后把集中到司隸的神被統一爲郊祀,'天下'被系統化爲五岳、四渎、名山和大川。現在,“天下”幷不是各個列國的簡單集合,而是被重新組織爲一個集中的“天下”,其中天上的秩序是由漢皇帝爲中心實施的。象征它是郊祀。

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