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The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches

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수록범위 : 1권0호(1996)~116권0호(2018) |수록논문 수 : 1,368
중국사연구
116권0호(2018년) 수록논문
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1서주시기(西周時期) '제후(諸侯)'의 다양성(多樣性)과 그 성격(性格)의 차이(差異)

저자 : 李裕杓

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 116권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 1-36 (36 pages)

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西周早期,完成“克商”的周朝,爲了有效地掌控殷商故地,冊封宗親與功臣等冊封於各個交通要地. 本文淸理了傳世文獻所見的魯侯、衛侯、晉侯、鄭伯等之例和西周金文所見宜侯、邢侯、燕侯、楊侯等之例,幷檢討了靜、中、遣受采邑之例,管窺了周王冊封“諸侯”的目的和性質. 周王冊封他們幷賜予奢侈品、民、疆土等. 他們受封邑爲周王服務,但他們畢竟是個“家長”,在封土裡行使比較獨立的權力.
他們在政區地理上,各有受封的目的,但目前不能一一檢討,因而大致分爲三類:受封于王邑附近的“畿內貴族”、王畿與邊域之間的所謂“畿外封君”、邊域的諸侯. 周王冊封貴族于王邑附近,其目的不外乎爲王朝效力. 但他們是個家長,利用“世卿世祿”的特權,一方面服事周王,一方面形成自己獨立的勢力. 所謂“畿外封君”往往受命出征,但他們幷非是個主力軍隊. 他們冊封於交通要地,在王畿與邊域之間主要保障交通路線的暢通. 邊域的諸侯與其他“諸侯”有所不同,他們不擔任王官,可見齊較爲獨立的地位;根據王朝的擴張與否,他們往往隨之遷封,可見其軍事性目的,而且通過齊侯掌管“五侯九伯”和鄂侯率領南淮夷與東夷之例,可見他們又替周王掌控邊域的諸邦國,扮演著現代槪念的殖民司令部的角色.
不過,還是有所不淸的地方. 首先,“諸侯”的王官擔任與否,可以分淸邊域諸侯與其內“諸侯”的性質,但王畿貴族與所謂“畿外封君”之間的性質,因資料有限,還是分不淸楚,只能提出所謂“畿外封君”主要負責王畿與邊域之間交通暢通的意見. 但是,在政區地理上,王畿貴族與所謂“畿外封君”之間的確有區分,其冊封目的與性質應該存在差別,這個問題,待新資料的出現,希望得出滿意的結論.

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2예관(禮官)에서 학관(學官)으로 -한대(漢代) 관학(官學) 연구를 위한 예비적 고찰-

저자 : 權珉均

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 116권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 37-67 (31 pages)

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在春秋戰國時期發生的"士階層"以多種多樣的思想建立了自己的價値體系. 他們自由地改進了意見, 也成爲了諸侯的老師. 這說明當時"文化權力"和"政治權力"維持了一定程度的平衡. 但是隨著統一帝國的成立, 秤砣自然傾向於政治權力. 建設統一帝國的漢皇帝爲了制定符合帝國的禮儀制度, 致力於恢複古禮. 對古代的儒家知識人擔任了這個角色, 爲此, 他們負責修複和硏究很多古代書籍, 幷擔任了調整咨詢的角色.
自從秦始皇以來, 一直到漢武帝時期爲止, 儒家知識分子的作用幷沒有發生太大的變化. 但在武帝時期, 董仲舒提議設置武經博士, 儒家的政治理念發揮到帝國政治理念. 這是因爲設置了以儒家爲中心建立政治理念的政治基礎. 公元前123年, 武帝在博士下設立了弟子員, 試圖實現敎化天下的目標. 從此開始, 儒家不再擔任禮儀, 也可以說是負責敎育和傳授. 這是儒家超越"獨尊儒術"而占據永久地位的重要變化現象.
只是如果有這樣的變化, 就很難理解當時的曆史. 就像之前的"經傳說記"一樣, 首先要觀察漢初知識分子複原和硏究的書籍. 此外, 對『詩』ㆍ『書』ㆍ『禮』ㆍ『易』ㆍ『春秋』等經典, 也要確認經過哪些過程國家公認的. 爲了確認這一點, 還要査看各經書的活用現狀. 特別是在漢武帝設立五經博士時, 設置了"詩"三家, "書"1家, "禮"1家, "易"1家, "春秋"1家, 雖然當時以春秋公羊家爲中心確立了五經博士制度, 但對『詩』安排了3家, 這是因爲和當時的政治理念有一定的關聯. 這是肯定的. 爲了理解五經博士的設置問題, 還要硏究"詩"三個家的問題. 本人在該論文中, 作爲個別經典硏究的預備階段, 只記述了變化相, 想作爲今後硏究的基礎.

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Mt. Hongding is located in Dongping, in the southwestern part of the Shandong Province and east of Lake Dongping in Dongping County. Overall, twenty-three inscriptions were carved on the mountain and they are divided into three kinds of texts: Buddhist sutra passages, Buddha names, and historical inscriptions. The carvings at Mt. Hongding are of special importance in the study of the Buddhist texts, as it bears the largest number and greatest variety of carved Buddhist texts compared to those found in other Buddhist carving sites in the Shandong Province in early medieval China. Also, it was at Mt. Hongding that the forms and contents of the mountain sutra carvings created in Shandong during this period were established. Thus, the Buddhist carvings at Mt. Hongding are considered the terminus a quo of the history of the shandong Buddhist rock carving sutras and it is needed to determine the exact dates of the engravings.
Among the inscriptions at Mt. Hongding, four inscriptions carry a date. Only one of them, however, provides us with asecured date, using the standard calendar, which is based upon the dates of the Chinese dynasties. This secured date is found on an inscription, the “Encomium for Fahong.” At the end of the encomium, the date is recorded as “the third year of the Heqing era of the Great Qi Dynasty,” which corresponds to 564 CE.
While the encomium for Fahong follows the standard dynasty-based calendar, the other three dated inscriptions at the site use the Buddhist calendar. These three are associated with a monk, Seng'an Daoyi. The first inscription gives the time of its creation: “1623 years after the twin trees of Sakyamuni.” The expression “after the twin trees of Sakyamuni” refers to the nirvana of the Buddha under the twin trees at Kushinagar in India. Accordingly, the date means the colophon was created “1623 years after Sakyamuni [entered into nirvana] under the twin trees.” The second dated inscription records its creation as “1620 years after [Sakyamuni entered into nirvana under] the twin trees.” The third inscription, the encomium for Seng'an Daoyi also uses the Buddhist calendar, but unfortunately the exact year is illegible, reading “16□□ years after Sakyamuni [entered into nirvana] under the twin trees.”
Since the Buddhist calendar begins with the date of the Buddha's demise, calculating the dates seems fairly simple, provided one knows the date Buddha Sakyamuni entered nirvana. Unfortunately, there is no consensus about the date of the Buddha's demise and the commencement of the Buddhist era and the dating of Buddhist carvings at Mt. Hongding so it has been subject to debate. There are a large number of theories prevalent in South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia.
Through thorough examination of earlier scholarship on the date of the Buddhist engravings at Mt. Hongding and more than twenty written theories, ranging from 1085 BCE to 464 (or 486) BCE, which were circulating in early medieval China, this paper suggests that the most likely theory acceptable to the Buddhist community active at Mt. Hongding during the late sixth century was the one asserted by a renowned priest, Nanyue Huisi (515-577). According to him, the date of the Buddha's nirvana corresponds to 1067 BCE, Based on this caculation, the inscription using Buddhist calendar at Mt. Hongding can be dated to 553 and 556 CE.
This paper's observation that creators of the Buddhist inscriptions at Mt. Hongding adopted Huisi's calculations on the date of the Buddha's demise, was not only because Huisi's number of years is a better fit, but because Huisi's Buddhist teachings and meditation techniques were related to the contents of the inscriptions at Mt. Hongding. Particularly, it is noteworthy that his writings on meditation emphasize the six paramita and the Perfection of Wisdom (prajnaparamita). This repertoire was observed in Buddhist carvings at Mt. Hongding and at other sutra carving sites in Shandong during the period. Furthermore, Buddhists who created the Buddhist engraved texts at Mt. Hongding appear to have conducted a certain meditation practice called “one-practiced absorption (yixing sanmei).” Interestingly Huisi actively used the meditation technique, and the period when this type of meditation was practiced by Huisi and his followers fits well within the 550s-560s, the period during which the carvings at Mt. Hongding were created. Also, in the years between 548-552, Huisi was living in Yanzhou, a city in Shandong Province located near Mt. Hongding.
The fact that the Buddhist community's practice and thoughts, as well as the date of Buddha's demise, overlapped with Huisi's ideas and teachings in a significant manner demonstrates that Huisi's teachings and practices were most likely widespread during that period, even in Shandong. Buddhist calendar used at Mt. Hongding, based on Huisi's caculation, provides us with a significant indication of the Buddhist community's existence. In the community, some Buddhists were likely inspired by Huisi, adopted his ideas and practices, and further developed them in their own way.

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4강녕부(江寧府) 은퇴 시기의 왕안석(王安石)

저자 : 이근명 ( Lee Geun Myung )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 116권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 111-132 (22 pages)

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In 1076 Wang An-shi withdrew from his re-enactment and went down to his hometown, Jiang-ning, where he thought he was his second home. He had settled down in a place called Bai-tang and built a residence here called Banshan-yuan. Banshan-yuan was a very bleak house, seven or so from the town.
But there were many scenic spots around Banshan-yuan, and Zhong-shan, located on the other side of the castle from Banshan-yuan, boasted of dense forests and numerous sites. Sunling, Xiegon-dun, Qingliang-si, and Baogong-ta were distributed around Zhong-shan. In addition, Qinhuai-he, Dinglin-si, and Bagongdeshui were all not far from Banshan-yuan.
Wang An-shi of old age spent a life of leisure in nature near Zhong-shan. Jiang-ning's residence is the most abundant time of poetry creation among Wang An-shi's life. He lives in nature as a friend and leaves a very beautiful poem based on the scenery of Jiang-ning area.
Wang An-shi retired and lived in Jiang-ning, never left Jiang-ning. He had never traveled to meet his relatives. He lived only in Jiang-ning and Zhong-shan, and that naturally limited his fellowship. It was all the intellectuals of the area near Zhong-shan, and the acquaintances of the monks of the temples. Jiang-ning's intellectuals and monks, who were in the old age Wang An-shi, seemed to have reached a considerable number.
Others came to visit him from time to time in other areas, and some of the most prominent of them were Lu Jia-wen and Su Shi. Su Shi was politically on the other side of Wang An-shi. However, the difference in political position was not a problem because Wang An-shi was stepping away from real politics. Wang An-shi was very pleased to see Su Shi who came to him from afar.
In 1085, there was a great change in the political world of Song, and in March 1085, Shen-zong, who supported and supported the new policy by selecting Wang An-shi, Wang An-shi was ill at this very moment. His condition worsened day by day. And Wang An-shi died in April 1086. He was 66 years old and died in a diary and was buried by his father, mother, and son Wang Pang.

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5청말(淸末) 양무운동기(洋務運動期)의 기술학당(技術學堂)

저자 : 장의식 ( Jang Ui Shik )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 116권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 133-167 (35 pages)

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Modern industrial enterprises and management which started with the government-supervising commercial company such as China Merchants Steam Navigation Company, Limited was extended to the realm of civilian industry beyond the military realm in the early 1870s. As this trend affected the new education in the same period, the education for western sciences was added besides the foreign language education in Tongwen Guan(foreing language college), and various technical schools were set up.
Technical schools were built especially to train and rear technical experts for the basic industries of state like ship-building, electric wire, rail road, mine and medical science. The education in the technical school of this period had some important characteristics.
First, if though there was diversification in the field of technical education, it was not clearly divided according to military purpose or civilian purpose. Even though one among two purposes was considered more important in a school, the other aim was never excluded completely.
Attaching a Rail-road school to Nanjing Military School in 1896, Zhang Zhidong said, "A railroad is closely connected not only with the national interest but the military affair of the state.", which is a good evidence. Though Northern Medical School(Tianjin Medical School) was primarily a military medical school established for military sake, treatment for civilians was never ignored. It was at first established to cope with military demand in the national emergency, but in reality tended to take care of civilian patients more and more.
Technical schools, in fact most of Yangwu schools, had the nature of foreign language school as one outstanding characteristic, as the Front School of Fujian Ship Administration School was called the French School, and the Rear School as The English School. Because proper Chinese words for the modern scientific & technological terms were not established yet and its education had to depend on the western teachers, they should learn foreign languages first. Consequently they preferred the children who had studied western languages in Shanghai, Hongkong and Guangjou for years in technical schools.
Though Zhang Zhidong emphasized the Chinese traditional learning as an educational element, it had just the meaning of proclamation, which sometimes impeded the development of Yangwu schools. Most of the schools were financially pressed due to the high wages of western teachers, which as a result hindered the extension and the establishment of Yangwu schools.
Another important feature of technical schools was that they supplied for the students not only inhabitation and food but paid living expenses and prize money depending on their achievements in examinations. This policy was a desperate attempt to attract students to overcome peoples' hostility on the western schools. It resulted in the situation that schools were filled with low-levelled poor students aiming at the government supply, which again obstructed the development in long term light. Students were forced extremely restrictive and complex rules and suffered from the oppressive atmosphere of school. Restrictions and incentives were exchanged.
The number and scale of technical schools were trivial at first, compared with the size and population of China, but increased and extended gradually. For example, Shanghai Telegraph School started with 20 students in 1882, but the students' number increased to 300 in 1891, which was caused by the increase in the demand for the telegraph. Railroad school started later than telegraph school, which was the reflection of the Chinese peoples' resistance against the construction of railroad.
The alumni of Yangwu schools played significant roles for the society as well as made personal success, on the basis of new knowledge and skills in drastically changing China, though they had been looked upon as heretics in the traditional society. Yian Fu(嚴復) who had entered fabrication major in Fujian Ship Administration School as a top talented student among the first term students became the president of Tianjin Navy School, after studying in England Navy School. Shen Yuch'ing(沈瑜慶) and Jiang Chaoying(蔣超英) became the president of Nanjing Navy School later, some others took the president of Guangdong Navy School. Before 1911 Revolution the alumni who majored in fabrication were 143 for 7 terms, those who majored in navigation 241 for 17 terms, and those who majored in engineer 126 for 11 terms. These total 510 alumni made a tremendous contribution to the warship building and the development of the navy in modern China, though at the same time they left a harmful effect on politics by organizing a closed group called "Mintang(閩黨)"in the bureaucracy. And Tinjin Medical School produced 218 army doctors for 37 years until 1933. Other technical experts who graduated from different technical schools must have opened their new futures on the basis of their knowledge and technologies learned in the school, leaving significant achievements in modern China.

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通惠輪船公司是以通過漢江運輸仁川-漢城之間的客貨爲目的, 在中國政府的監督和支援下成立的朝淸合資的輪船公司. 這項硏究的起点是, 在朝鮮政府禁止外國船只運營的情況下, 在朝鮮的華商如何能勾建立和運營一個擁有漢江航運權的輪船公司.
首先, 通惠公司發行了股票募集資本, 發行了詳細記載出資人股東信息的股分票. 這與當時在朝鮮華僑商店(企業)以中國的傳統商業組織'合股'的共同投資形式成立的情況明顯不同. 當然, 與合股企業一樣, 不管有沒有營業利潤,都會發現向出資的資本金優先每年支付約定利息的傳統中國商業慣例. 而且,與現在的股分公司一樣, 也不能說它充分具備了現代企業的特征,如股東權利平等和自由轉讓權. 但是, 至少與傳統的中國合股企業匿名投資的慣例不同. 通過記載股東姓名,發行詳細記載股東信息的股分票, 確保了其擁有的透明性. 此外, 公司通過將其管理方法轉換爲'有限公司'來確保投資穩定性. 該公司僅負責虧損的股權. 這是有意義的, 因爲西方企業文化可以移植到中國社會, 幷刺激中國企業的結構.
第二, 通惠公司的初期運營狀況未能達到當初的計劃和期待. 但是,幷不是因爲漢陽號的處分而放棄了漢江航運權. 通惠公司暴露了管理中的各種問題. 例如,接運官米的缺乏, 制作過大的船舶, 頻繁的觸礁事故, 雇用外國船員, 以廣東商人爲主的經營方式, 各華商參與經營不善, 與外國汽船公司的競爭等. 在這種危机狀況下, 他果斷地處理了漢陽輪船, 回收處理了通惠公司的現有股分. 另一方面, 從各幇華商重新籌措資本, 小輪船重新購入, 讓運航漢江各地. 由此,通惠公司不再因赤字運營而經歷困難, 也可以維持漢江航運事業權. 在事業的危机狀況下, 他仍然沒有放棄漢江航運事業, 而是通過'有限責任'這一新的企業經營方式鼓勵華商各幇的資本參與. 爲了在市場競爭中存活下來, 通惠公司雖然提倡了“這是各幇共同的華商企業, 也是華商公共的船舶”, 但爲防止經營損失, 認爲比起民營企業, 官的徹底監督和管理是不可避免的.
第三, 爲了方便仁川-漢城之間的華商貿易, 通惠公司計劃獲得漢江航運權. 但是因爲通惠公司的設立目的在于通過客貨運輸謀取利益, 所以不僅維持漢江航運事業, 將來還具有通過利潤的再投資將事業擴張到其他“河或沿海航運”的意圖. 例如, 漢陽號被賣給處分朝鮮轉運衙門時, 加入了“赎回權”條款. 另外,「惠輪船有限公司章程」規定, 如果將來有追加購買輪船的計劃, 就可以保存利益, 用資本充當.
事實上, 漢江航運事業是爲了擴大仁川-漢城之間的華商貿易和便利, 由中國駐朝鮮使館袁世凱主導, 由華商參與的項目. 駐朝鮮使館的作用中最重要的就是保護進入朝鮮的華商, 通過商業支援擴大朝鮮內的淸國或華商勢力. 袁世凱計劃的漢江航運事業也正是這種目的的連續線上, 通惠輪船公司就是其産物. 因爲漢江航運事業與物流直接相關, 所以作爲通惠公司的設立而開放的漢江水路與輪船超商局的上海-仁川航線相連, 成爲加强在朝鮮市場華商的競爭力的重要因素. 但是, 由于日淸戰爭爆發等原因, 通惠輪船公司孕育的'內河航運事業'的可能性和派生界限等都喪失了驗證條件. 從中長期的視野來看, 對朝鮮華商貿易活動産生的影響和意義只能成爲需要解決的課題.

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7양계초(梁啓超)의 의화단운동(義和團運動) 인식(認識)

저자 : 김종건 ( Kim Jong Geon )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 116권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 203-232 (30 pages)

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The last 10 years of the 19th century underwent the highest turbulence in the modern China. Sino-Japanese war forced China to completely give up her Sinocentric dignity, and the subsequent division of the land by powers produced various ideological tendencies like conservatism, reformism and revolutionism.
Boxer Movement rose at the beginning of the 20th century, provoked by the sharpening invasion and the occupation of the territory by powers, and by the failure of the consitutional monarchy movement promoted in the consciousness of the limit of Yangwu Reform movement, extending to Beijing, Tianjin, and Northern China. Dowager empress, Hsi and her conservative faction which had occupied the government through 1897 Coup officially acknowledged the Boxer's militia to declare the war proclamation against the powers. However, the war ended with the thorough defeat of Dowager Hsi government, with the capital occupied and the 1901 treaty signed.
This essay is to survey on the frustrated reformists' perspective on the Boxer Movement, expecially analyzing Liang Qichao's record because he was the leading representative theorist of reformists after coup. Liang as a disciple of Kang Yuwei devoted himself to the propaganda of institutional reform, expecting to have a constitutional monarchy similar to the Japanese in China. He together with Kang Yuwei was compelled to exile himself to Japan after the reformist movement was frustrated, with his 6 colleagues executed. In Japan he published a new magazine, The China Discussion (淸議報), which was popular in and outside of Japan, and himself left lots of essays on political issues in it.
On the one hand Liang Qichao was engaged in the movement of supporting the emperor after the frustration of the reform movement, on the other hand he highly estimated the patriotic movement at first when Boxer Movement arose. His positive evaluation of the movement was maintained for a while in the writings published in his name or in anonymity. However, as the Chinese sovereignty was about to be eroded by the war with 8 powers, his tone of argument was changed to the criticism on the their imprudence and absurdity.
Liang Qichao took the Boxer Movement as a good example to illustrate the historical research methodologies in his The Methodology of Chinese History (中國歷史硏究法) published in 1921. He especially made an analysis on the background elements of the movement in various structures and classification. At the same time he attempted to estimate the nature of the movement, and suggested important and noteworthy topics concerning the research of the movement.
Liang Qichaao highly valued the patriotic motivation of the participant people in Boxer Movement, but criticized them telling their superstitious and blind behavior deteriorated the Chinese crisis. Nonetheless, the fundamental and core element to bring the supreme crisis to China was Dowager Hsi and her conservative faction that bankrupted the institutional reform to keep their private privilege by military coup, he emphasized.

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1917年在中國偃師出土的「荀岳墓誌」在空間上位於墳墓內部,銘文內容包括故人葬地相關信息. 這是與後代定型化的墓誌形式一致的部分. 但該石刻銘文幷未出現“墓誌”或“誌銘“等代表墓地的詞語,也幷無墓地的必要成分卽銘辭. 此外,與定型化的橫臥方形石質所不同的是,該石刻在外形上是石碑. 也就是說,這一石刻以碑形立在墳墓內. 這一石碑形態繼承的是漢代墓碑形式. 在西晉,墓地內將標注亡者的個人信息及葬日和葬地等的石刻掩埋的慣例是屬於較初步的階段. 對此,人們參考此前時代立在墳墓外的墓碑形式制作成小碑形的石刻,幷在此添加了此前墓碑上未出現的有關“葬地“的信息幷安葬在墳墓內. 記錄葬地信息是爲假設將其墳墓向未來的子孫公開而明確其墓地所在地. 這是對墓地期許的實用性功能. 從這一內容上的結構及外形上的特征等來看, 「荀岳墓誌」應屬於從地上的墓碑轉爲地下墓誌的過程中出現的一種“過渡期性墓地”. 因此,可將「荀岳墓誌」視爲掌握古代中國墓地成立過程中的一個關鍵史料.
不僅如此「荀岳墓誌」還包含了可從其銘文眺望西晉曆史的豊富的信息. 其中特別値得注意的是,在銘文中引用的兩分皇帝的詔書和帶有幹支標題的3分詔書. 這樣在文章中引用詔書幷未在同一個時代得以確認. 也就是說,西晉時代的石刻資料中皇帝的詔書被引用在銘文中的情況「荀岳墓誌」是唯一的. 「荀岳墓誌」中的詔書原件形式與內容中相當部分已得到保存. 至今爲止,西晉時代的詔書實物未得到確認的情況中, 「荀岳墓誌」中的詔書不僅是當時詔書形式,還是可推斷出文書行政的重要線索. 通過這些詔書可知詔書的副本傳達給了對象人員的家(或家人)中. 若詔書未向遺屬公開,其內容則無法刻在墓誌上. 只不過,西晉詔書的基本形式是“制詔雲雲”,而「荀岳墓誌」中的詔書則爲“詔云云”. 是原件詔書在想對象人告知的過程中形式發生了變化. 氷粉詔書的原件而是隨著副本被告知而使其形式發生了變更是在唐代得以確認的. 唐代若發出授予官職的詔書(或制書),其對象所接收的是引用詔書內容的告身. 也就是,授予對象得到的幷非詔書而是告身. 考慮到這一點「荀岳墓誌」中提及的詔書事例可呈現出已在西晉出現了與唐代的 告身在功能上類似的文書存在.

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9「왕유여묘지(王遺女墓誌)」의 해제(解題)와 북위(北魏) 여관(女官)에 대한 첨언(添言)

저자 : 김성희 ( Kim Sung Hee )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 116권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 291-324 (34 pages)

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Tomb Inscriptions of Bei Wei(北魏) provide a meaningful topic among stone carving materials related to the funeral culture. They help to check changes to the external forms and content of Tomb Inscriptions after the Dynasty moved its capital to Luoyang(洛陽) and examine the possibilities of Tomb Inscriptions as historical materials. "Tomb Inscriptions of Wang Yuyeo(王遺女)," who was a court maid(女官) in Bei Wei, analyzed in this study is in the extension line of this research work. Tomb Inscriptions of court maids during the period offer good historical materials to check the management and truth of certain titles not mentioned in history books more specifically. Court maids were not exclusive to this period, but the investigator focused on them for the following reasons: in Bei Wei that was a dynasty founded by nomads, there were overall changes to the queen system after the reign of Taihe(太和) as an important junction. When the perspective was limited to Tomb Inscriptions, it was clear that the Tomb Inscriptions of court maids were built during the period when political interventions by mothers of kings were prominent as one of the important characteristics of the period. They will provide useful information to explain the phenomenon of their political interventions. The aspects of the funeral culture recorded in the Tomb Inscriptions including the posthumous conferment of honors and the bestowal of objects for a funeral, in particular, show subtle differences between the royal concubines and common male officials during those days. They will be also effective for explaining the circumstances of women's social participation during the period represented by the old customs of Hengdai(恒代).
Questions are, however, raised about the effectiveness of the Tomb Inscriptions as historical materials because the Tomb Inscriptions of court maids hold a small percentage of the entire women's Tomb Inscriptions with their construction concentrated on a certain period. It is not easy to figure out the narratives of records clearly since Tomb Inscriptions provide descriptions about the life and good deeds of their masters. This effort should be accompanied by the meticulous analysis of changes to the titles of court maids and various related historical materials during the period of Nan Bei Chao including Bei Wei.

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10유불도(儒佛道) 융합의 지혜와 그 현대적 가치 -송원(宋元) 내단도(內丹道)의 역사적 발전을 중심으로-

저자 : 리위융

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 116권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 325-336 (12 pages)

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유불도 3교의 관계는 유교, 불교, 도교 등 3교의 관계는 중국 전통 문화의 의미와 시대적 가치를 이해하고 밝히는 중요한 출발점이 된다.
유교, 불교, 도교 등 3교를 융합하는 정신적 지혜 및 그 창의적 변신과 혁신적 발전을 어떻게 종합하고 조명할 것인가에 대하여 그동안 국내외의 학계에서는 거의 다루지 못하고 있었다.
본고에서는 송원대(宋元代) 내단도(內丹道)의 역사적 발전을 중심으로 내단도의 심성학에 내포되어 있는 문화적 의미와 가치를 찾아내고자 하였다.
내단도가 도교를 기본적인 기초로 한 위에서 적극적으로 유교와 불교 등 2교를 흡수 통합하는 과정에서 표현되어 나오는 겸손, 성실, 학습, 평등, 다원주의, 관용 등의 여러 정신은 유교, 불교, 도교를 융합한 지혜의 현저한 발현이라고 생각된다. 그리고 이 지혜는 오늘날의 이질적인 문화, 특히 중국과 서양 문화 간의 대화와 교류에 중요한 참고 자료가 될 수 있을 것으로 본다. 뿐만 아니라 그것은 오늘날의 우수한 전통 문화의 전승과 발전 및 문화적 소프트 파워의 보다 나은 사용을 위한 유용한 참고가 될 것이다.

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