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The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches

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수록범위 : 1권0호(1996)~125권0호(2020) |수록논문 수 : 1,460
중국사연구
125권0호(2020년 04월) 수록논문
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1진(秦)ㆍ한률(漢律)의 서인(庶人) -서인범칭설(庶人泛稱說)에 대(對)한 비판(批判)-

저자 : 林炳德 ( Lim Beong Duk )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 125권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 1-33 (33 pages)

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Through the Sui HuDi Qin Bamboo Manuscripts睡虎地秦簡 which was exhibited on late 1970s, we could find out a lot about the characteristic of Qin Dynastics's slave and a person who have the noble title.
From the book, we found about Shi Wu士伍 and also the actual condition of subordinate people which I will talk about on my dissertation.
By the legal text of year 2, newly unearthed at Zhangjia-shan, Jiangling江陵張家山漢簡二年律令 we could research about Sui Hu Di Qin Bamboo Manuscrpts 睡虎地秦簡 more precisely. The research was based on Qin legal text秦律. It described about Shi Wu士伍 that they were treated very importantly but by the legal text of year 2二年律令, we could find more about them. Especially, On the legal text of year2 has contents about ShyRen庶人.
The legal text of year 2二年律令 call the common people as Gong Zu公卒, Shi Wu士伍 or Shu Ren庶人. Common people did not have noble title. Gong Zu公卒, Shi Wu士伍 and Shu Ren 庶人 were part of common people but they had difference by the law. Shu Ren 庶人people were lower class than Gong Zu公卒 and Shi Wu士伍. On the legal text of year 2 二年律令, it says that there is big difference between Gong Zu公卒, Shi Wu士伍 and Shu Ren庶人. For instance, on the book it mentions about Gong Zu公卒 and Shi Wu士伍 getting Yu Mi 鬻米. ShuRen庶人 had not been offered Yu Mi 鬻米at all. Gong Zu公卒 and Shi Wu士伍 even got Shou Zhang受杖 which is a symbol of power and wealth. Shu Ren 庶人did not get this either.
The obvious differences between Gong Zu公卒, Shi Wu士伍 and ShuRen庶人 can also be found in The Bamboo Slips of the Qin Dynasty Collected in Yuelu Academy嶽麓秦簡. Gong Zu公卒 and Shi Wu士伍 may be appointed to LiDian里典 and Fulao父老, but ShyRen庶人 was excluded from the list of candidates for the appointment. From this point of view, even the a man of no title can see that there is a clear difference between the Gong Zu公 卒, Shi Wu士伍 and ShuRen庶人. Except for Qin and Han's legal 秦漢律, no case can be found that nothing is defined as Gong Zu 公卒, Shi Wu士伍 and Shu Ren庶人.
In that respect, The Shu Ren庶人 of Qin and Han's legal秦漢律 was clearly different from Shu Ren庶人 of the previous era. The Shu Ren庶人 of Qin and Han's legal秦漢律 is a special name. The Shu Ren庶人 of Qin and Han's legal秦漢律 is hard to grasp by the people's concept.
Regardless of the times, the general concept of the Shu Ren庶人 we speak of is closer than a Shi Wu士伍 in Qin and Han's legal秦漢律. Why does Unearthed bamboo slips of Liya里耶秦簡 have the word "Shi Wu士伍" instead of "Shu Ren庶人" in the terms of a universal identity?

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2秦汉度量衡的大一统与社会互动

저자 : 리융 ( 李勇 )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 125권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 35-61 (27 pages)

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진한 시기의 대일통(大一統)은 사회 정치 경제 문화의 중요한 특징이고 도량형은 정치 경제 제도도 대일통으로 이행되었다. 통일된 도량형 정책 반포, 도량형 관리를 세분화하고 대량의 표준기를 배포하는 등 일련의 조치를 통해 체계적인 도량형 제도를 유지하고 있다. 도량형 제도의 변화는 신구 제도 간의 갈등이 될 수밖에 없고, 새 제도가 생기면 곧바로 구제도가 없어지지 않고 일정 기간 도량형을 사용하는 혼란이 생길 수 있다. 이 시기는 누서(累黍)와 황종(黃鐘)의 방법으로 도ㆍ량ㆍ형을 연관시켜 그들의 기본값 사이에 내재된 통일적 연계를 탐구하였다. 오도제(五度製)ㆍ오량제(五量製) 및 오권제(五權製)가 통일된 사상적 내포를 부여하고, 도ㆍ량ㆍ형 간의 가장 기본적인 단위의 측정값을 정하였다. 진한시대 대일통의 사회 정세는 도량형이 반드시 통일되어야 한다고 요구한다. 이 시기의 도량형 제도의 발전은, 화폐 제도, 관록 제도, 경제 제도, 수공업 제도의 표준에 기초를 둘 뿐만 아니라, 정부의 재정 수입을 규범화했으며, 관료의 효율을 보증하고, 횡령과 손실을 방지할 수 있다. 상품 교환 시장을 규범화하고, 각 지역 간 무역 거래를 보장하며, 상품 경제의 발전을 촉진했다. 진한 도량형은 진나라 때의 국가 의지를 나타내는 것으로, 국가의 정통성을 상징하는 중요한 개념이다. 강력한 중앙집권제도, 대일통의 경제문화, 도량형은 반드시 통일된 것을 요구했다. 통일된 도량형 제도는 중앙 집권 제도의 실시를 보장하고 사회 경제의 발전을 촉진하였다. 진한 시기에 통일된 도량형 제도는 대일통 국가 형식을 구현한 것이며, 도량형이 사회와 상호 작용된 결과물이다.

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3『한서(漢書)ㆍ오행지(五行志)』를 통해 본 반고(班固)의 재이관(災異觀)

저자 : 權珉均 ( Kwon Min Gyun )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 125권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 63-89 (27 pages)

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It was not until the Early Han Dynasty era that the Five Elements theory, which was popular in the Warring States Period had a complete structure and logic. Confucian scholars sought to expand their political position by emphasizing 'Virtue [德]' instead of honoring 'Law[法]'. Such attempts began in earnest from the Wen-Di[文帝] period. In this social atmosphere, Dong Zhongshu[董仲舒] has begun to systematize and theoreticalize this theory.
The Wu-hsing Chih[五行志] organized by the Pan-Ku[班固] includes discussions on Dong Zhongshu[董仲舒], Liu Xiang[劉向], and Liu Hsin[劉歆] about the occurrence of natural disasters caused by errors in 'Wu-hsing[五行]', 'Wu-shi[五事]', 'Huang-ji [皇極]'.
Looking at the structure, it seems that 'control the emperor' was not the only purpose, like the theory of Dong Zhongshu. In the 'Wu-hsing' stage, the government tried to restrict the behavior of officials, High-ranking officials, and out-relatives, and in the 'Wu-shi' stage, it is clear that it was intended to control Vassal King[諸侯王] as the will of heaven. In the Huang-ji phase, there is a calamity[災異] that could happen if emperor misled politics.
Here, we can roughly guess the intention of the Pan-Ku to the emperor by writing Wu-hsing Chih.

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4당초(唐初)의 제왕(諸王) 책봉제

저자 : 金澔 ( Kim Ho )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 125권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 91-119 (29 pages)

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This article is to analyze the installation system of the Kings based on the statute and to identify the application of that statue in practice from the Gaozu Wude period to the Taizong Zhenguan period. There were 3 kings of the Kings system, which was Qinwang, Siwang and Junwang. Qinwang and Siwang were reproved under the statues, but Junwang escaped the statues and extensively reproved the royal family. When Gaozu Liyuan ascended the throne, it was a time when the many rival leaders were still hold their own ground. In addition, this article was focused on Qinwang, analyzing his office based on Tangliudian, and identifying its character and role. When the title of king was decided by the emperor, the installation ritual was first performed, and the ritual took one day. The king had been left from the palace, but it could not ascertain when he was. In case of leaving from the palace, government office was established according to the statute. The king who went out of the palace was running his territory through his government. The scale of the Taizong period was reduced so that the office acted as a guard of honor rather than military mobilization. Furthermore, the kings, who acted as imperial hedges, tended to induce a more literary aspect than the sword. This is regarded as an action taken by Jinwang as a king through the political affairs, fearing the recurrence of armed conflict by kings in the future dynasty. In the early days of the founding Tang, the Qinwang could have the military office who was expected to serve as a hedge of the imperial Tang. Since its inception, the military function of the Qinwang's government office has weakened, and the role of the king has shifted from the emperor's management to the king rather than to the king.

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5당대(唐代) 인사행정체계(人事行政體系) 속의 막직관(幕職官) -문서행정을 중심으로-

저자 : 金宗燮

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 125권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 121-159 (39 pages)

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唐代人事行政是由官人的選拔ㆍ官人的管理ㆍ前任官人的求職活動構成的. 藩鎭節度使管轄的幕職官也是按照這種人事行政程序被管理的. 選拔 幕職官的方式有三個, 中央直派ㆍ節度使的奏請和辟召. 從藩鎭設置起這種三種方式一直竝存着. 節度使通過辟召能夠先占人才, 但是最終要得到中央的許可. 節度使奏請給辟召的人才授某職某官. 通過節度使發送的文件, 唐朝能夠得到了被辟召人的信息. 唐朝有幾個手段管理了現任幕職官, 包括任期ㆍ考課ㆍ帶職的改轉ㆍ章服等等. 幕職官沒有固定的任期, 但是任職了兩三年能得到帶職改轉的期會. 每年節度使必須負責對幕職官考課, 然後把善狀發送到尙書省. 還是, 節度使想要改轉幕職官帶職的改轉, 先上報於中央, 然後等待着中央的批准. 通過幕職官的善狀和帶職改轉的奏狀, 唐朝能夠把握對幕職官情報和動向. 
唐朝對前任幕職官的求職活動沒有設置任何的限制. 前任幕職官的求職的方式大槪有三條路, 就是參加吏部銓選ㆍ薦擧和重新接受辟召. 第一, 前任幕職官想要參加吏部銓選, 先按照選格在現任地或者前任地要拿到選解, 截止到十月要上報到尙書省. 吏部先檢査選解, 後進行吏部試驗. 然後, 依據前任幕職官的選解和吏部試驗的成績, 評定等級而賦與新散階. 這種程序與其他選人都一樣. 第二, 前任幕職官想要參加薦擧必須把擧狀發送到尙書省. 被薦擧人考驗時務策, 面試統治術. 第三, 前任幕職官能夠再接受節度使的辟召, 節度使重新上報中央幷要得到中央的批准. 
幕職官的選拔ㆍ考課和帶職改轉ㆍ前任幕職官的求職活動時, 唐朝一直要求各各段階的必要的文書. 唐朝對藩鎭辟召要求提交文書, 每年要求藩鎭上報幕職官的善狀, 甚至節度使發給前任幕職官的選解. 這樣幕職官的人事行政與一般官人比大體相同. 因爲唐朝根據這種文書控制了幕職官的人事行政, 所以在藩鎭割據局面能夠維持着生命力.

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6청 건륭제 「薩爾滸之戰書事」 비석과 비문 고찰 -조선군의 참전기록을 중심으로-

저자 : 朴現圭 ( Park Hyun Kyu )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 125권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 161-189 (29 pages)

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This article analyzes the characteristics of the epitaph, Sarhuzhi Zhanshushi(薩爾滸之戰書事), which contains the Sarhu(薩爾滸) battle that led to the Ming-Qing transition, and focuses on the battles of Joseon troops.
In 1619 (4th year of the reign of Emperor Tianming), the Ming dynasty dispatched large forces divided into 4 groups, to attack the Later Jin dynasty (the Qing dynasty). However Nurhachi(努爾哈赤) of Later Jin annihilated the Ming troops, with skilled military tactics of converging attack in the Sarhu and the nearby. Joseon unwillingly took part in the war and dispatched the army led by Gang Hongrip(姜弘立). But the left and right military camps were annihilated and middle military camp surrendered to the enemy.
Just before November 1775 (40th year of the reign of Emperor Qianlong), the Emperor Qianlong of Qing wrote Sarhuzhi Zhanshushi to honor Nurhachi, the first emperor, for the Sarhu battle. In February 1776 (41th year of the reign), he set up an monument stone and pavilion on the north of Shubei cun(竪碑村), the battlefield of Sarhu. Also in each 1778 (43th year of the reign) and 1783 (48th year of the reign), he wrote the poem which reminded the meaning of Sarhuzhi Zhanshushi. In 1978, the monument stone was moved to Mukden palace(Shenyang Palace; 瀋陽故宮).
The Epitaph, Sarhuzhi Zhanshushi was written, based on and modified from the Qingtaizu shilu(『淸太祖實錄』). It is exaggerating the number of Ming troops destroyed by Later Jin, and contains hyperbole that the God wind helped victory of Later Jin. Also the epitaph describes the battle scene of Joseon troops, which cannot be found in Korean records, and even conflicts with it. According to the epitaph, Ming infantrymen of Jiang yingqian(姜應乾) joined with Joseon army in Buchal(富車) war. It is written that, Gang Hongrip first sent a messenger when negotiating for peace, unlike the records of Joseon.

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7청말민국기(淸末民國期) 호남(湖南)의 상인(商人)과 상인정신

저자 : 田炯權

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 125권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 191-232 (42 pages)

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为了探索湖南的商人精神, 我分析了地方志的人物列传和主要编纂于清末的商人的各种行规后并分析了20世纪30年代上半叶的湖南全域的商号.
通过人物的列传, 我可以掌握有关勤俭节约ㆍ仁义ㆍ积善报应ㆍ信义․正直ㆍ薄利多卖․经营方面的事实. 勤俭节约在多数列传中可以找到, 大部分宗旨是'施舍他人, 但吝惜自己'. 有关仁义, 人物列传的篇名多为'义行'. 内容是介绍对各种公益․慈善事业的捐赠和奉献. 积善报应的思想不仅是佛教的因果说, 也是道教․儒教的共同思想. 有时侯, 慈善捐赠行为的代价就是托'议叙'赐予官品. 有形无形的福是对善行的回报, 在现实中, 商业成功和致富往往视为其结果. 信义和正直是商人的天生美德, 遵守信义的结果也赢得了商人的尊敬和信赖, 因此也能看到事业成功的情况. 薄利多卖和在经营中的所有权和经营权的分离是民国时期新出现的近代层面.
通过行规的分析可以看出, 几乎所有的内容都强调诚信交易, 公平交易. 对欺骗物品或度量衡的商贩, 规定警告和惩罚的占多数. '诚信'是儒家道德的基本标准. 另外, 行规中对财神和行业神的祭祀都有详细的规定. 就财物神来说, 湖南的特征不是'关公', 而是'崇奉赵公明'. 就行业神来说, 崇拜雷祖神的人更多于崇拜鲁班的人. 对财物神或行业神的祭祀目的是为了同业者的相互团结的一种仪式, 但根本上是祈祷财物运和事业运的兴隆.
通过分析商號会发现, 以人名为商号或祈求丰饶之意的商号较多, 结合地域和产品名的新式商号也较多. 这里关注的是价值取向的商号, 即'和'ㆍ '信'ㆍ'义'ㆍ'谦'ㆍ'仁'ㆍ'德'等. 还与湖北ㆍ四川ㆍ贵州等邻近的各省进行了对比. 湖南的商号, 以'和'字和'谦'字当头. '仁'字和'德'字也在比较对象中排名第二. 直到1930年代前半, 湖南的商人还把'和'ㆍ'谦'ㆍ'仁'ㆍ'德'等的儒教理想作为价值取向. 我认为, 具有这种思想的'紳商'是推进亚洲资本 主义的企业家的前身.
'湖湘精神'是湖南固有的湖南人文精神, 我根据商家的记录, 查阅了这一'湖湘精神'所包涵的内容. 这是'济民利物'ㆍ'实业救国'ㆍ'实事求是', 如 果扩大内涵的概念, '经世致用'或者'敢为人先'的想法也是可能的. 这些概念也不能说是湖南独有的固有想法. 但是, 镇压太平天国的湘军之后, 如果没有湖南人就无法组建军队, 或者说“若道中华国果亡, 除是湖南人尽死”等话语中, 可以感受到湖南人与众不同的爱国心和民族主义.
湖南商人的商人精神就是强调'仁义'. 从列传等方面看, 湖南商人不是想 通过商业交易获得最大利润, 而是获得适当的利润. 商业的最终目的是'经世济民'或'事业报国'的理想. 这与寻求最大利润的西方资本主义截然不同. 如果以“绅商”发展为近代企业家为前提的话, 亚洲资本主义就是以人类为 中心的资本主义, 与单纯的物神主义是不同的.

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8명말(明末) 양정균(楊廷筠)(1557-1627)의 천주교(天主敎) 수용(受容)과 보유역불론(補儒易佛論)의 시작

저자 : 辛周炫 ( Sheen Joo Hyun )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 125권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 233-263 (31 pages)

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This study aims to assess the significance of the first generation Chinese Catholic Yang Tingyun, his acceptance of Catholicism and his apologetics, “The Owl and the Phoenix do not Sing Together”, questioning the existing literature has been overwhelmingly focusing on Jesuit missionaries than converts throughout historiography. First of all, the study analyzes implications of his conversion and apologetics from the context of intellectual history and social history. His acceptance of Catholic teaching must be understood as an exemplification of the contemporary intellectual trend of late-Ming elite society, rather than an exceptional case outside mainstream intellectuals. And it must be read as an outcome of agency by a Chinese Catholic who hybridized Chinese intellectual tradition with the western religious teaching, rather than that by a simple, unidirectional conversion. Moreover, the study suggests the Nanjing Persecution in 1616-1617 as a social background of the apologetics text. Between the two challenges of labeling Catholics as Folangji and White Lotus sect, Yang took a position of advocating Jesuit missionaries and Chinese Catholics refuting the latter perception of regarding them as heretics and social threats like White Lotus sect. This point counters most of existing studies which disconnected the text with the phase of the specific persecuting incident. Finally, the study seeks and confirms the points of buru yifo, meaning “Catholicism complements Confucianism and replaces Buddhism,” in the apologetic text. For instance, Yang emphasizes the disciplinary similarities of Catholicism with Confucian thinking, morality and honesty of missionaries, and its disparity with heretic Buddhist teachings like White Lotus. In conclusion, the text “The Owl and the Phoenix do not Sing Together” is understood one of the earliest Christian apologetics and anti-Buddhist polemics written by Chinese Catholics which tells the practice of “evolution of the discourse of buru yifo.”

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9'통제경제(統制經濟)'와 '계획경제(計劃經濟)'의 교차와 길항 -1930년대 중국 통제경제론(統制經濟論)의 개념화-

저자 : 金河林 ( Kim Ha Rim )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 125권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 265-306 (42 pages)

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The discourse on controlled economy in China was formulated in the 1930s when the fall of capitalism was intersected with the rise of socialism. Its formulation was closely connected with the Chinese perception on planned economy as an alternative to free economy in that its conceptualization process was largely influenced by the existing terminology of the planned economy. This study takes a multifaceted analysis on the dynamics of the conceptualization of the controlled economy. It pays attention to the fact that the theory on the controlled economy in China was developed along with a resonance of planned economy caused by a contemporary change, namely the transition of capitalism. The study first examines the political and intellectual context of the terminology “controlled economy” centering on the discourses by contemporary Chinese intellectuals. Then, it analyzes the practice of conceptualization of the theory of controlled economy in consideration with its relationships with the concept of planned economy. Finally, the study suggests the implication of the intellectual movement of conceptualizing controlled economy in grasping the contemporary practice of 1930s. 
In conceptualizing controlled economy, we can observe that it was often merged with the concept of planned economy. Its terminological usage, denotations and categories varied between disputants. It was basically because of the disagreements on commonness and disparities of the two theory, for instance, about the evaluation of socialistic modernization or the chances of its realization in China, etc. And yet, disputants largely consented in the conceptualization of controlled economy that they were commonly in favor of socialism; they regarded controlled economy as a harmonizing but temporarily adoptable model in minimizing the vice of capitalism and maximizing the virtue of planned economy. It requires to pay our attention as to understand the intellectual implication that the conceptualization of the theory of controlled economy was carried out as a critical reorganization of planned economy which had been suggested as an alternative to free economy, and as an independent interpretation of Chinese intellectuals which was lively attached to the semi-colonial circumstance of China.

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10왕처직(王處直) 가족과 오대(五代) 입법(立法) 배경 -묘지(墓誌)를 중심으로

저자 : 마샤오쥐안 ( 马小娟 )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 125권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 307-328 (22 pages)

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당말(唐末) 각 번진(藩鎭)이 독특한 상황을 형성하였고, 중앙 조정에서 대다수의 번진에 대하여 실질적 통제권을 가지 못하고 있었다.
당말 왕처존(王處存)이 담당하고 있던 의무절도사(義武節度使)는 왕씨의 “하삭고사(河朔故事)”를 열었고, 왕고(王郜)와 왕처직(王處直)을 거쳐 왕도(王都)에 이르러 관직과 작위를 박탈당하면서, 왕씨가 반세기 동안 의무군(義武軍)을 실질적으로 관장하던 시대는 종식을 고하게 되었다. 이 기간 동안 법 체계는 “실력이 곧 법”이었다.
왕씨와 위박(魏博)의 배반으로 후량(後梁) 정권이 와해됨에 따라 후당(後唐) 정권이 강화되어 성문법을 반포하는 새로운 시대를 열었다.,
중국 중세, 특히 후당 내지 오대(五代) 시기의 입법의 배경에 대해서는 지방 번진의 지배력이 커졌다가 와해되고 마는 정치적 정황들로부터 살펴보아야 한다고 할 수 있다. 그래야만 오대 시기 입법의 시대적 의의를 구체적으로 깊이있게 이해할 수 있다.

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(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

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