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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(2001)~30권0호(2018) |수록논문 수 : 344
Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture
30권0호(2018년 08월) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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1孔子的黃金率與孟子和荀子的重新解釋 ――先秦儒學的“恕”、共同前提與人性

저자 : 이정환 ( Lee Junghwan )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 30권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 1-27 (27 pages)

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本文主要目的是爲孔子和他的繼承人之間在“恕”方面發生重大的知識轉變,以及孟子與荀子的分岐,提供一個哲學說明。但在目前有關儒學黃金率和先秦儒學史的硏究中,這一問題仍未被充分檢驗。孔子提出了恕是一種最高級的道德原則與“仁之方”。他對黃金率的最早形成給予了極大的重視。此外,這一道德原則在《論語》中高度一致地表達出來。盡管如此,原來的表達方式很快就消失了,幷且在古代儒家經典中,此原來的表達方式被各種形式的重新表述全面取代。
關於這些問題,本硏究表明了以下幾點:黃金率一般是以人類共同性爲前提。近代時期反對黃金率的强加問題出現,不是由於其道德原則的內在缺陷,而是由早期近代從人類共同性到個人差異的前提轉變。同樣,根據人類共同觀點的變化,孔子和他的繼承人之間發生了劇烈的轉變。孟子與荀子對恕的觀念也有顯著差異,因爲關於孔子人性觀,他們之間存在著巨大分岐。


The primary objective of the present paper is to offer a philosophical account, first, as to a significant intellectual transition, which occurred between Confucius and his successors with regard to shu 恕, and, second, about the divergence between Mencius and Xunzi, both of which remain under-examined in current studies of the Confucian Golden Rule. Confucius proposed shu as a highest-order moral principle as well as “the method of [realizing] ren 仁,” thus conferring enormous weight on this, the earliest formulation of the Golden Rule in human history. He also expressed a conviction in the desirable consequences that the practice of this concise precept would generate. Additionally, this moral principle was expressed with a high degree of consistency in the Analects. Nonetheless, the original shu formulation of Confucius quickly faded away, and it was replaced comprehensively with diverse forms of reformulation in the post-Confucius classics of ancient Confucianism.
Concerning these issues, the present study shows the following: The Golden Rule in general, including shu, is grounded on the premise of human commonalities. The so-called imposition-problem, which constitutes the central idea of modernist objections to the Golden Rule, arises from the transition of the underlying premise from human commonalities to interpersonal differences during the early modern period, rather than its inherent defect or incompleteness as a moral principle. Likewise, a drastic transition in formulating shu occurred between Confucius and his successors according to changes in the prevailing views on human commonalities. The notable differences between Mencius and Xunzi in reformulating shu also coincided with a great divergence between them in articulating Confucius' view on human commonalities in the form of the metaphysical concept of human nature (xing 性)

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2基於“樂”的敎化作用與互補式“禮樂” 槪念適用與否的《論語》的兩種解讀

저자 : 조정은 ( Jo Jungeun )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 30권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 29-52 (24 pages)

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《荀子》〈樂論〉和《禮記》〈樂記〉中所强調的“樂”的敎化作用以及互補式“禮樂”槪念,從時間上來看可能出現於《論語》之后,因此難以適用於《論語》。雖然可以認爲《論語》是從倫理方面來認識“樂”的,然而很難進一步看作是以“樂”的敎化作用爲前提的。如果敎化作用失效,那么“禮樂”的互補性也難以適用於《論語》。《論語》雖然首度對“禮樂”賦予槪念的重要性,但此時主要是從“儀禮”的脈絡上討論“樂”,“樂”不是與“禮”互補的對應槪念,而是從屬於“禮”的槪念。卽,“樂”是遵循“禮”這種準則的“儀禮”構成要素之一。“樂”的敎化作用與互補式“禮樂”槪念是否適用於《論語》,尙存疑問,然而,對於17.4、11.15、13.3、17.11在內的《論語》諸多章節,往往是以這些槪念爲前提來解釋的。在解釋這些章節時,不必執意以“樂”的敎化作用與互補式“禮樂”槪念爲前提,而是想到這些槪念的出現可能晩於《論語》,幷且摒棄帶有這些前提的解釋,才能勾更接近《論語》的本意。


The notions of the edifying effect of music and the complementary functions of ritual (li 禮) and music (yue 樂), which are emphasized in the “Yuelun” chapter of the Xunzi and the “Yueji” chapter of the Liji, would not be valid in the Lunyu if we consider the possibility that those ideas were formulated after the Lunyu. Although the Lunyu could perceive music from an ethical viewpoint, it is highly improbable that the Lunyu acknowledges music exerting an edifying effect based on its ethical value. If this effect is not valid, the complementary relationship between ritual and music is also inapplicable to the Lunyu. The concept of “ritual and music” appears to first gain conceptual significance in the Lunyu; however, music is not discussed as a complementary counterpart to ritual but as a subordinate concept of ritual, in that music is mainly portrayed in a ceremonial context where music forms a part of ritual performance. In spite of the questionable validity of understanding the Lunyu based on the edifying effect of music and the complementary functions of ritual and music, these ideas are presumed when interpreting some of the passages of the Lunyu, including Lunyu 17.4, 11.15, 13.3, and 17.11. These ideas are not necessarily assumed when understanding those passages; on the contrary, considering the possibility of those concepts emerging after the Lunyu, a more convincing interpretation of the Lunyu can be made by maintaining a distance from those notions.

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賴蘊慧與凱文·德拉普主張儒家認識論與立場認識論是相同的。這篇文章的目的是對這兩者進行批判性的審査。首先,我將回顧何莫邪在《中國科學技術史》第七卷第一分冊的硏究,借助其論點以分析早期中國的邏輯思考,包括《孟子》與《論語》中的認識論。其次,我將指出賴蘊慧與德拉普所認爲的儒家認識論論點與何莫邪背道而馳。以這個硏究爲基礎,得出跟賴蘊慧與德拉普相反的結論:儒家認識論與立場認識論幷不相似。雖然本硏究不會詳盡分析賴蘊慧與德拉普的所有觀點,但是希望藉由何莫邪的硏究,能更深入瞭解早期儒家認識論。


The present article aims to subject two recent works, which attempt to argue for an interpretation of Confucian epistemology as akin to standpoint epistemology, to critical scrutiny. These works are by Karyn Lai and Kevin DeLapp, respectively. This is achieved by looking at a classic study by Christoph Harbsmeier, Science and Civilization in China Volume VII Part 1, and then showing that logical practices in early China, including those displayed in the Mengzi 孟子 and Lunyu 論語, run contrary to commitments that both Lai and DeLapp attribute to Confucian epistemology. On the basis of this observation, I conclude that Confucianism is not as similar to or as useful for standpoint theories as Lai and DeLapp maintain. While a detailed analysis of Lai's and DeLapp's views is not attempted, the hope is that the positive value of Harbsmeier's volume for understanding early Confucian epistemology is displayed.

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4美德與技藝――亞里士多德與荀子論藝術在道德修養中的作用

저자 : 이영승 ( Wilson Lee )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 30권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 75-103 (29 pages)

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克里斯蒂安·米勒(Christian B. Miller)向美德倫理學家提出過一項“實際挑戰”:我們如何能彌合道德的人與不道德的人之間的品格差異? 何艾克(Eric L. Hutton)認爲韓非子對儒家的主要批判正是圍繞這個議題:韓非子認爲儒家美德倫理所設想的以道德之人爲道德楷模去引導他人,恰恰是錯誤的指導原則。而韓非子的批判實際上也針對著亞里士多德式美德倫理。關於這個問題,何艾克只是簡略地提出儒家傳統中的“禮”可能可以對應韓非子的批判這一說法,而對此他幷未提出更確切的論證。本文將擴展上述思想,更深入地探討“禮”以及荀子對儒家道德修養的學說如何確切對應韓非子的批判。除此之外,本文也將提出這一論點:亞里士多德的悲劇詩詞在他對道德培養的理解中起到與“禮”相同的作用。
首先,我將解析韓非子對美德倫理中的道德修養觀念的批判,幷解釋它如何挑戰亞里士多德和荀子的“構成推理”(“constitutive reasoning”)槪念。之後,我將簡略地指出,這個問題涉及亞里士多德和荀子對道德行爲和能動性的理解的基礎,卽人性結構槪念(靈魂的理性/非理性部分和心/五官)。最後,我將探討藝術在荀子與亞里士多德道德修養中起到的作用。韓非子對美德倫理道德的評判,源於對荀子與亞里士多德道德修養的理解過於狹隘。我希望由此引導近代美德倫理學家多利用美學來促進道德發展。


Christian B. Miller has noted a “realism challenge” for virtue ethicists to provide an account of how the character gap between virtuous agents and non-virtuous agents can be bridged. This is precisely one of Han Feizi's key criticisms against Confucian virtue ethics, as Eric L. Hutton argues, which also cuts across the Aristotelian one: appealing to virtuous agents as ethical models provides the wrong kind of guidance for the development of virtues. Hutton, however, without going into detail, notes that the notion of rituals in the Confucian tradition may be able to sidestep Han Feizi's criticism. In this essay, I wish to explore not only how the notion of rituals, alongside its corollaries in Xunzi's Confucian program for ethical cultivation, indeed addresses Han Feizi's criticism, but also observe that Aristotle's tragic poetry plays functionally equivalent roles in his own understanding of ethical upbringing. I will begin by considering Han Feizi's critique of ethical cultivation in virtue ethics as such and how it poses a specific problem for the acquisition of the 'constitutive reasoning' shared by Aristotle and Xunzi. I will then briefly note that this problem trades on the synthetic structure of human nature found in both Aristotle and Xunzi (the rational/irrational parts of the soul and the heartmind/five faculties), which grounds the way they understand ethical action and agency. Finally, I will suggest how both Aristotle and Xunzi understand the role of the arts in their extensive programme of ethical cultivation, allowing them to respond to Han Feizi's attack as too narrow a construal of their respective ethical projects. It is hoped that, through this, we may gain a better sense of how more recent virtue ethicists may similarly draw on aesthetic resources for ethical development.

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5文化邊界的原創性 ――韓國音樂敎育上的儒家音樂論的吸收與重構

저자 : 박소정 ( Park So Jeong )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 30권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 105-128 (24 pages)

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自朝鮮世宗大王(1418-1450在位)統治時期的儒家儀式音樂改革以來,韓國人繼承了儒家音樂敎育的悠久傳統。然而,世宗大王的儒家儀式音樂重構不僅僅是對原始儒家儀式音樂的修復,更是對傳統儒家價値觀勇敢的重新解讀。中國和韓國之間語言和文化的巨大差異,不允許朝鮮知識人對中國主流文化不加批判的同化。這些因素也促使世宗大王爲韓國本土音樂開發了一種新的樂譜系統――這種系統以前被認爲是粗俗的,隨後將新組合的儀式音樂帶到宮廷。對韓國音樂文化的自覺和認同意識,使得朝鮮以及韓國人幷非盲目地模倣中國音樂,而是體現出儒家音樂敎育精髓的理想方式,卽音樂感性的培養和“與民同樂”。這是在文化邊界發現的原創性。朝鮮宮廷音樂的矛盾性質,與從高麗王朝(918-1392)發展到朝鮮王朝(1392-1897)的韓國新儒學有密切相關。隨著朝鮮新王朝的出現,儒家價値觀的不斷融化和內化,逐漸發展成爲新統治階級,幷作爲從統治階級到庶民最具影響力的道德基礎。此外,這種文化邊界的創造力也再次出現於朝鮮王朝邁向現代韓國的過渡期中。在韓國的近代化時期,西方和韓國音樂文化之間的衝突和重建,展現了文化邊界的原創性,也影響了韓國當代音樂敎育。


Since Confucian ritual music was reconstructed and rejuvenated in the reign of King Sejong of Joseon 世宗 (r. 1418-1450), Koreans have continued a long-standing tradition of Confucian musical education. King Sejong's enterprising work, however, was not a mere restoration of the original Confucian ritual music, but a gallant reinterpretation of traditional Confucian values. I argue that the veritably successful reconstruction was a result of Korean self-awareness of its culture own marginalized status in the Chinese cultural sphere. The substantial divide in language and culture between China and Korea propelled Joseon Korea away from an uncritical assimilation of mainstream Chinese Confucian culture. These factors also drove King Sejong to develop a new notation system for tunes indigenous to Korea, which was previously deemed as vulgar, and subsequently bringing the newly composed ritual music to the court. Incidentally, the awareness of Korean musical culture turned out to be an ideal way to embody the essence of Confucian music education - the cultivation of musical sensibility and the enjoyment of such music with the people, which had been long-forgotten in the acknowledged history.
The ambivalent nature of Joseon court music is closely related to the development of Neo-Confucian scholarship from Goryeo (918-1392) to Joseon (1392-1987) Korea. With the emergence of the new Joseon dynasty, the continued assimilation and internalization of Confucian values developed into the most influential moral foundation of the new kingdom, from the ruling class down to the common people. A similar originality of cultural boundaries occurred again during the westernization period of early modern Korea, and continued until current contemporary music education in Korea. I will develop the idea of originality from cultural boundary to explore how the reconstructed ideals of Confucian ritual music work in contemporary music education, especially Gugak, i.e. Korean traditional music.

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6孔子“思無邪”命題的再思考

저자 : 장명 ( Zhang Ming )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 30권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 129-143 (15 pages)

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在傳世文獻《論語》及近年來整理出版的出土文獻《孔子詩論》中,孔子引詩、評詩雖多“斷章取義”,但“引詩不離句義”始終是其引用、評價《詩經》的一條基本原則,這一點也是我們把握“思無邪”命題的根本出發點。“思無邪”最初是描述馬跑起來“從不偏斜”的樣子,孔子用它來槪括《詩經》的藝術精神,則意在强調《詩經》思想情感之“正”。然此處之“正”又非政治敎化之“正”,乃性情之“正”,卽凸顯人的自然情感,强調其“誠”、“直”、“不虛妄”之特性。從這一意義出發,“思無邪”實際上就是要求詩人之情志應發自本心而無僞飾。也正是因爲以“眞實”與“誠摯”爲標準,故“詩三百”中才容納了那些被視之爲“淫詩”的作品。


Confucius quoted many poems in his teachings, as seen in the transmitted Lunyu 論語 (Analects) and the excavated text Kongzi shi lun 孔子詩論 (Confucius' Comments on the Book of Poetry). However, the poems Confucius quoted cannot be found in the transmitted text Shijing 詩經 (Book of Poetry), even though “quoting poems without distorting the context” (yin shi bu li qu yi 引詩不離句義) was always a basic principle when Confucius quoted and evaluated the Book of Poetry; this is also the fundamental starting point that allows us to grasp the true meaning of the expression “innocent thoughts” (si wu xie 思無邪). Though the expression “innocent thoughts” originally meant “never being skewed” on horseback, Confucius used it to summarize the artistic spirit of, and emphasize the “pure” thoughts and emotions in the Book of Poetry. However, the “pureness” in his teaching does not refer to the “pureness” of political education but the “pureness” of temperament, which highlights natural emotions and moral virtues such as honesty, uprightness, and integrity. In this regard, “innocent thoughts” actually require that the emotion of the poet should be taken from the heart without any artifice. This is because truth and sincerity are the main yardsticks of the poems, and the Book of Poetry also contains some sensuality.

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7《論》、《孟》、《學》、《庸》在隋唐時期的 流傳及地位嬗變

저자 : 당명귀 ( Tang Minggui )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 30권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 145-163 (19 pages)

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隋唐時期,《論語》被視爲六經之精華,是硏讀六經的入門書,其文句不僅出現 在詔書、奏章、家訓及詩歌中,而且還滲入到社會生活中。《孟子》地位有明顯的升格 跡象,不僅引述、評價、闡釋等散見於各種文獻中,而且還出現了專題討論的文章和 列爲考試科目的訴求。《大學》、《中庸》開始引起學人的關注,探求《大學》與儒家心 性、《中庸》與佛敎之間關係的文章次第出現,其學術地位也有所提升。


In the Sui and Tang dynasties, the Analects (i.e. Lunyu 論語) was regarded as the quintessence of the Six Classics, and was the introductory reading for the study and interpretation of the six texts. Passages and sentences from the Analects were quoted in imperial edicts, memorials to the throne, family instructions and a number of poems, and were also often referred to in social life. As for Mencius, remarkable signs indicated its rise in status. Not only were citations, comments and interpretations seen dispersedly in various kinds of literature, but exploratory articles on specific topics and the appeal of listing it as a subject of examination also came into being. The Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean began to get more attention from scholars. Research articles emerged one after another on the relationship between the Great Learning and Confucian Mind-Nature theory, and on the relationship between The Doctrine of the Mean and Buddhism, indicating a rise in their academic status.

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8林希逸《莊子口義》在朝鮮的傳播、 刊行與其文化內涵

저자 : 김호 ( Kim Ho )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 30권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 165-184 (20 pages)

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《莊子》一書本具有豊富的詮釋空間,因此在不同時空背景中,往往出現不同內涵的詮釋著作。其中,(宋)林希逸的《莊子口義》具有“以儒解莊”的詮釋傾向,正因爲如此,此書傳播到朝鮮與日本,幷對於當時社會産生一些影響。《莊子口義》在日本的傳播問題,已有專文討論相關問題,而將林希逸《莊子口義》放在朝鮮的時空環境中加以探討的少之又少。鑒於此,本文以《莊子口義》的傳播與朝鮮學界的接受爲範圍,主要探究兩個問題:首先,從版本學的角度爬梳整理主要朝鮮刊本《莊子口義》,幷說明朝鮮刊本與中國刊本之間的異同;其次,對於《莊子口義》在朝鮮傳播與刊行的文化內涵,試圖加以探討,藉此窺見朝鮮學界亦有“以儒解莊”的詮釋傾向。


The Zhuangzi 莊子 is a book that can be interpreted diversely. For this reason, many commentaries on the text were written at different times in Chinese history, each commentary with different implicit meanings. Among them, the Zhuangzi kouyi 莊子口義 by Lin Xiyi 林希逸 from the Song dynasty 宋 is a commentary characterized by the fact that the text is interpreted from Confucian perspectives (yi ru jie zhuang 以儒解莊). What is interesting is that it was read in Joseon and Japan and had certain effects on the academic circles of the two countries. Previous studies on its entry into Japan have been conducted, yet in contrast, only few studies on its entry into Joseon have been made. With this difference in mind, this paper aims mainly to explore two issues within the scope of the research: its entry into Joseon and the acceptance of the text by Joseon academic circles. First, this paper intends to summarize and analyze the text Zhuangzi kouyi (the Joseon edition 朝鮮刊本) from the perspectives of bibliography, explaining the differences between the Joseon edition and the Chinese edition. Next, the implicit cultural significance that its entry into Joseon and its publication in the nation had will be explained in detail. That is, this study will explain the reception of the Joseon academic circles, as well its academic ethos in terms of why the Zhuangzi is interpreted from Confucian perspectives.

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9郭店楚墓竹簡之“眚(性)”字句硏究

저자 : 박영진 ( Bahk Yeong-jin )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 30권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 185-209 (25 pages)

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人性問題在春秋戰國時期就曾引起頗多爭論。在先秦的出土文獻中也記載了儒家學派的人性觀點。本文以1993年出土的戰國時期文獻――郭店楚墓竹簡爲主要硏究對象,考察這本被分類爲儒家典籍中的“性”字及其含義,而且進一步探究帶有“性”字的句子的思想意義。在郭店楚墓竹簡中,“性”字被表現爲“眚”字。該字綜合了現代的“姓”和“性”兩個字,“姓”字意味著“百姓”,而“性”字則指“人性”。其中所說的“性”爲天之所命是指天命賦予了人之生命本質。早在春秋時期孔子就曾對人的本質提出了“性近習遠”之說,而戰國時期的孟子則提出了“性善”一說。前者主張的是自然人性說,而後者則主張道德人性說,這兩者之間有較大的思想差異。郭店楚墓竹簡被推斷爲是介于孔孟之間的重要理論著作和思想學說,它包含了大量自然釋性和道德釋性的論述。通過這些論述,我們可以知道春秋戰國之際儒家思想家們旣以自然之氣釋性,又以道德之情論性。而孟子以後,人性論爭則以人性是善還是惡的道德性爲中心展開。通過對郭店楚墓竹簡中的人性觀念進行硏究,我們可以淸晳了解到孔孟之間的人性思想的差距及其傳承關係。郭店楚墓竹簡可以說是人性思想史上連接孔子和孟子的重要環節。


The issue of human nature was already discussed a lot during the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period, and some of the excavated pre-Qin texts also refer to Confucian views of human nature. This article analyzes the character “xing” 性 and its implications in the bamboo slips excavated in 1993 in the Chu tombs at Guodian. In the Chu bamboo slips, the character “xing” 性 was written as “sheng” 眚, which is a mixture of the two characters, “xing” 姓 and “xing” 性. The character “xing” 姓 refers to “people” and the character “xing” 性 means “human nature.” Among them, “xing ” 性 is believed to be given by Heaven and indicates the essential nature of humans. Confucius claimed that “xing jin xi yuan” 性近習遠 (The nature of humans is similar, but human accumulated practices cause differences), whereas Mencius suggested the view of “xing shan” 性善 (Human nature is good). There is a difference between these two views, since the former is about natural human nature and the latter concerns moral human nature. The Chu bamboo slips are understood as important writings because many of them interpret human nature in natural terms or in moral terms. By studying the conception of human nature in the Chu bamboo slips, we can understand clearly the gap between Confucius and Mencius and its relations of transmission. In short, the Chu bamboo slips show the transitional stage of views on human nature from Confucius to Mencius.

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10儒敎共同體與公議的公論性 ――以茶山(丁若鏞)二律背反的儒敎共同體論爲中心

저자 : 전성건 ( Jeon Sungkun )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 30권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 211-222 (12 pages)

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本文主要是以指出儒敎共同體的兩個方向和摸索未來發展方向爲寫作目的。首先解釋了茶山(丁若鏞)所提出的儒敎共同體論的兩個模式,幷解決了其具有的“二律背反”矛盾。其次將其兩個模式應用於鄕村中心的朱子學和君權中心的茶山學,進行比較和探討。本論文還提出,儒敎共同體確立依據“公議”的“公論”――“公共性的確保”,是具有現代意義的,我們需要以堅持而緩慢堅定的方式,卽以積極的消極性的方式來努力使其與現代相適應。


This paper explores the practicability of the Confucian community with the concept of positive passivity. It will be argued that positive passivity is the key to opening the application of Confucianism to contemporary Korean society. This paper utilizes Kantian antinomy to examine Jeong Yak-yong's 丁若鏞 (1762-1836) political theories, which are seen in his works such as Wonmok, Tangnon, Gyeongse yupyo.
Jeong's antinomy refers to conflict between the power of the king which focuses on a highly centralized system of government, and the power of people which focuses on regionalization. Although his political theory contains conflicting views, his political views deserve publicity, which can be understood as public rationality. We should think of the concept of positive passivity when modernizing Confucian communities. Modern Confucianism should require public rationality for its survival in modern society.

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성균관대학교 한국학중앙연구원 서울대학교 동국대학교 광진정보도서관
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