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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(2001)~31권0호(2019) |수록논문 수 : 354
Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture
31권0호(2019년 02월) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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1孟子人性論的創新意義

저자 : 이용윤 ( Lee Yong-yun )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 31권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 1-14 (14 pages)

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本論文主張孟子的人性論應被理解爲哲學藍圖而不應理解爲現實的觀察。衆所週知,孟子是在中國歷史上第一位提倡性善論的思想家,他主張人生來具有成爲聖人的潛能。孟子的這般看法可理解爲哥白尼式轉向,因爲孟子將人性論的焦點從外在的條件(傳承古代聖王的道德敎訓)轉移到內在的素質(修養人與生俱來的內在的道德潛能)。質言之,孟子的人性觀爲人類成聖成賢的最高歸宿鋪陳了首條道路。孟子對天的說明也可理解爲他的哲學計畵的框架之一。也就是說,天的普遍性呈現出人人都具有成聖的種子。


This paper argues that Mengzi's 孟子 view on human nature should be understood not as an empirical observation but as a philosophical scheme. It should be noted that Mengzi is the first philosopher in Chinese history who contended that every human being is born with innate goodness and the potential to become a sage. Mengzi's contention can be viewed as a Copernican revolution within the Chinese intellectual tradition in that he switched the focus of self-cultivation from external effort (i.e., to learn one's intellectual heritage) to internal effort (i.e., to cultivate one's inner potential for goodness or sagehood). This means that Mengzi's view on human nature can be understood as an effort to pave the road to a universal and easy attainment of the highest level of self-cultivation. It is also postulated that Mengzi's critical approach to Tian 天 (Heaven) can be viewed as a framework to support his philosophical plan; that is, all human beings are equipped with the seeds of moral perfection.

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2公孫龍子新釋 ――比喩人性的白馬

저자 : 정단비 ( Jung Dan Bee )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 31권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 15-37 (23 pages)

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直至目前爲止,以公孫龍爲題的論文偏向於討論“白馬非馬”詭辯是否與共相有關的問題。對於此問題歷來大槪有兩種主張:一爲在古漢語的語言特性上普遍者是不可能的主張,另一爲雖然語言未能區別普遍者,但思考却能的主張。然而,透過古希臘的哲學槪念來與中國古代思想的槪念比較其異同幷無意義。相反,我們應透過比較公孫龍所使用的槪念和諸子百家的槪念去尋找其意義。
在〈指物論〉一篇當中我們可以找到公孫龍主張“指”具有與物結合起來之前和之後的兩種不同的意思。這模式在《荀子》正名篇及《墨經》中提到的“知”、“能”、“性”等與本性論相關的詞語當中也能發現到。考慮到不少注釋者認爲“指”讓人們聯想到槪念的思考能力,我們可得知〈指物論〉亦和“知”等相似,和人的內在資質以及因外部剌激而産生的反應的重義性相關。這喚起人質疑人性根據外部剌激會如何變化的問題,卽爲本性論發展過程中的一個階段。
另外,從詞彙的使用狀況和論述展開的方法兩方面來看,〈指物論〉和〈白馬論〉兩篇的模式相似。而在孟子與告子的論辯,以至墨家,荀子等跟本性有關的議論中,特性未定的材料透過外部的介入而得以定下其模樣和方向的比喩經常出現。關於顏色未定的馬和顏色已定的白馬的差別的〈白馬論〉詭辯,其實就是反映了外部介入之前和之後,人性幷不可能相同這一主張。


It has been the focus of much debate for scholars studying the Gongsun longzi 公孫龍子 whether his most famous sophistry, “White Horse is Not a Horse” (bai ma fei ma 白馬非馬), is a proclamation of the Chinese version of a theory of universals. This paper aims to analyze and understand the true implications of “Baimalun” 白馬論 (White Horse Dialogue), by comparing it to the terms and metaphors often used by Gongsun Long's contemporaries and not to concepts of Western philosophy.
For example, in the chapter “Zhiwulun” 指物論 (On Cognition and Things), Gongsun Long claims that zhi 指 (cognition) may have binary significance, before and after its addition to external things. This two-fold definition of key terms is found in both the Xunzi 荀子 and Mozi 墨子: a single character is used to signify human faculty, both before and after its contact with external stimulus. This pattern is repeated in the “Baimalun” chapter: the term horse may customarily refer to both a horse of undecided color or before its combination with color, and a horse of fixed color or after its combination with color.
In the theories of the Hundred Schools, materials composed of undecided characteristics that turn into inflexible objects through external intervention are often used as metaphors for changes in human nature. This pattern, repeated in both “Zhiwulun” and the “Baimalun,” may indicate that the white horse, as an object of fixed characteristics, was used as an analogue for the changeability of human nature through education or social interaction, whether for good or bad.
While Xunzi and Mozi stop at pointing out the dual meaning of the key terms, Gongsun Long tends to stress the difference between the two, therefore “White Horse is Not a Horse.” His inclination to emphasize the non-identity of one's inner nature and one's response to external intervention may provide a valuable clue to the true agenda hidden behind his sophistries.

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3四七之辯與惡之根的現代意義 ―― 對李混與奇大升之道德心理學的比較硏究

저자 : 류기로 ( Liu Jeeloo )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 31권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 39-73 (35 pages)

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本文以當代心理學的角度對李滉(1501-1570)與奇大升(1527-1572)著名的四七之辯從事比較硏究。文章的目的是將這個歷史淵源長久的性情善惡之辯論帶入當代的道德關懷。盡管歷史上的兩位韓儒本人沒有作道德心理學這方面的硏究,而且他們的辯論也不是針對人類道德的現實性提出解決方案,我們仍然可以從當代的視域,透過現代的心理學分析,對四七之辯有新一層的理解。本文的現代詮釋同時也顯現出古今道德理論的不同關懷與走向:傳統的道德定義關乎個人,是內觀式的,是精神上的道德潔淨;而現代的道德定義關乎社會,是外觀式的,著重于行爲與成效。


This paper provides a comparative study of the moral psychology of Yi Hwang 李滉 (Toegye 退溪, 1501-1570) and Ki Dae-seung 奇大升 (Gobong 高峰, 1527-1572) in the context of contemporary psychological analysis of the nature and root of human evil. It is an attempt to re-situate the age-old debate on the moral attributes of human emotions as well as moral sentiments in the contemporary moral discourse. Even though the two Korean Neo-Confucians were not engaged in psychological analysis themselves, and their debate was not meant to proffer working solutions to the reality of human evil, we can nevertheless gain new insights into their earnest debate by looking at it from our contemporary perspective. This contemporary hermeneutic analysis also highlights the different orientations and concerns between traditional and contemporary moral discourses: the former are more individual and inward-looking, paying greater attention to moral purity in the mind; and the latter are more social and outward-looking, focusing on one's conduct and its consequences.

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在17世紀英格蘭,基於什麼理由將新約中的簡潔規則昇格爲最高和普遍的道德原則意義上的“黃金律”? 儒家對手―恕―的發現―更具體地說,歐洲基督敎社會意識到“我們的救主的黃金律…,四個世紀之前,幾乎在同一個詞中,已被孔子諄諄敎誨了”這般命題―給他們帶來了什麼樣的影響? 他們是如何回應的?
本硏究旨在通過探索歐洲(尤其是英格蘭)黃金律的歷史來回答這些問題,從17世紀的最初興起到19世紀英國商業和傳敎活動急劇升級時,儒家對手的發現所帶來的挫折,爭議和分岐。本硏究表明的是雖然黃金律興起的最初跳板包括其無所不包的普遍性,但其權威性和有效性部分地受到現代哲學的挑戰,部分地從孔子表述先例的認識受到嚴重破壞。因此,進入19世紀討論的主要焦點從自然法理論的普遍性和至上性轉向敎派關注的岐視和優越性。此外,本硏究也對詹姆斯·萊格(James Legge)的紀念性作品所包含的基督敎傳敎動機和他對儒學的看法表明了新的亮點。本硏究還關於萊格對儒家黃金律的看法如何有助於減輕當時基督敎社會的困惑,由此證明了據稱基督敎黃金律而克服儒家恕的優越性,以及他通過捍衛基督敎的專屬權威來提供一個說明的原委。


On what grounds did the terse precept in the New Testament rise to the “golden” rule in the sense of the supreme and universal moral principle in 17th-century England? What kind of impact did the discovery of its Confucian counterpart, shu 恕,―more specifically, the awareness of the fact that “the golden rule of our Saviour. . . had been inculcated by Confucius, almost in the same words, four centuries before,”―bring to the European Christian societies, and how did they respond to it?
The present study is to answer these questions by exploring the European history of the golden rule, especially, that of England, from its initial rise in the 17th century to the frustrations, controversies, and divisions that the discovery of its Confucian counterpart brought about in the 19th century, when the English commercial and missionary activities in China also sharply escalated. It argues that whereas the initial springboard for the rise of the golden rule consisted of its all-encompassing, universal nature, its authority and validity was significantly undermined, partially, by the challenge of modern philosophy and, partially, by the recognition of the precedency of Confucius' formulations. Consequently, upon entering the 19th century, the dominant focus of discussion shifted from universality and supremacy on the grounds of the theory of the natural law to discrimination and superiority out of sectarian concerns. Additionally, a fresh light is thrown on the Christian missionary motives underlying the monumental works of James Legge, including his opinions on Confucianism. A plausible explanation is also provided for how his views on the Confucian golden rule contributed to alleviating the perplexity of the Christian societies of the time through, allegedly, proving the superiority of the Christian golden rule over its Confucian counterpart and thus defending the exclusive authority of Christianity.

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5李濟馬四象體質論新的詮釋

저자 : 허훈 ( Heo Hoon )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 31권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 117-136 (20 pages)

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四象醫學在漢醫學史上具有獨特的特徵。傳統的漢醫學主要在道敎的影響下成立,而四象醫學的思想基礎是儒家思想和性理學。四象醫學是傳統漢醫學換上儒學的衣服而來的。因此,作爲四象醫學哲學背景的四象哲學由性理學或原始儒學的內容構成。換句話說,四象醫學是從現有的漢醫學中誕生的,四象哲學是從性理學(原始留學)中誕生的。因此,四象醫學和現有漢醫學,四象哲學和性理學各有不同, 在理論, 內容上具有隔閡是必然的。
如果說現有的漢醫學由A(道敎)和B(醫學)構成(內容)要素構成,那麼四象醫學則由B(醫學)和C(儒學)要素構成。而且如果你想比較兩者,或者如果你想要尋找內容上的不同點,四象醫學的B應該用現有漢醫學的B進行說明。
也就是說,現有漢醫學的B和四象醫學的C很難進行比較。那麼,兩者之間的差距會更大。另外,現有漢醫學的A和四象醫學的C的比較不合理。這樣,自然得出了兩者在本質上就完全不同的結論。當然,在硏究理論或思想變化過程的情況下,討論B,可以同時提及A或C。但是在說四象醫學的B時,不說現有漢醫學的B,而只說A或C,就會得出錯誤的結論。
但是,現有的四象醫學硏究者們將四象哲學與現有的漢醫學進行比較,或者將四象醫學與儒學(性理學)進行比較。因此,比較對象之間的隔閡越來越大,人們得出的結論是,四象醫學與現有的漢醫學(或性理學)“本質不同”。本論文主要着眼於糾正四象醫學硏究中,由于四象醫學哲學背景的特殊性而産生的誤區,與現有醫學相比,揭示四象醫學所具有的優點。


Sasang constitutional medicine (SCM) is unique in oriental medicine's history. Traditional oriental medicine was established mainly under the influence of Taoism, while the ideological basis of SCM is Confucianism. In SCM, existing oriental medicine is disguised as Confucianism.
Accordingly, Sasang philosophy, the philosophical background of SCM, is composed of Neo-Confucian metaphysics or primitive Confucian content. So SCM is derived from traditional oriental medicine, and Sasang philosophy is derived from Neo-Confucian metaphysics (primitive Confucianism).
SCM, existing oriental medicine, Sasang philosophy, and traditional Confucianism all naturally differ from one another. If traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) consists of Taoism (A) and medicine (B), then SCM consists of medicine (B) and Confucianism (C). To compare the two or find differences in their content, the B in SCM should be explained as the B in existing Chinese medicine (B in SCM≒B in TCM). In other words, it is difficult to compare the B of conventional Chinese medicine with the C of SCM (B≠C), so the gap between them becomes larger. In addition, the comparison between the A in TCM and the C in SCM is unjust (A≠C) and thus we naturally conclude that they are essentially different. Of course, one can mention A or C together while discussing B, due to the necessity of examining the theoretical or ideological change process. However, if one talks about the B in SCM and the A or C while ignoring the B of existing Chinese medicine, one will reach the wrong conclusion.
SCM researchers compare Sasang philosophy with TCM and SCM with Confucianism. Thus, the gap between the comparative objects grows, and the conclusion that SCM is “fundamentally” different from existing Chinese medicine (or Neo-Confucianism) is drawn.
This paper focuses on correcting errors in SCM research caused by the specificity of SCM's philosophical background, and revealing the merits of SCM compared with existing TCM.

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6錢時《論語》詮釋的特色

저자 : 당명귀 ( Tang Minggui )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 31권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 137-152 (16 pages)

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錢時《融堂四書管見》中的《論語》詮釋,是陸九淵心學一派《論語》學的代表作。他所做《論語》詮釋,一方面注重訓詁,不僅重視對字詞的注音,而且重視對名物典制的釋義,具有濃厚的漢學底蘊。另一方面,又注重義理闡發,不僅重視心學本體論的建設,而且重視從工夫論的角度思考內聖外王問題,具有鮮明的心學特色。這在《論語》詮釋史上可謂獨具特色。


The Rongtang's Humble Opinion on The Four Books Vol. II written by Qian Shi is the representative work of the Lu school of mind which focuses on the interpretation of the Lunyu. When interpretating the Lunyu, on one hand, Qian Shi centered on the interpretation of ancient texts, not only attached great importance to the phonetic notation of Chinese characters, but also laid emphasis on the paraphrasing of wares and institutions, taking on great sinological connotations; on the other hand, he focused on the interpretation of the meaning and theory of the Lunyu, not only paying attention to the construction of idealism, but also advocating the inner sageliness characterized by “self-examination,” “the act of respect” and “meditation,” and outer kingliness characterized by “doing” and “practicing,” taking on distinctive features of mind philosophy. His work can be described as unique in the history of the critical study of the Lunyu.

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7“後具”抑或“本具”? ――關於朱子“心具衆理”命題之再詮釋

저자 : 진쌍주 ( Chen Shuangzhu )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 31권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 153-174 (22 pages)

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“心具衆理”是朱子處理“心與理”關係的重要命題之一,朱子在《四書章句集注》中提出該命題,此後又在《文集》、《語類》中有許多相關的詮釋,直至朱子去世前的晩年還對此命題有諸多論述。對此命題,學術界已有一定的注意,但因衆學者對朱子學的理解和關注的重點各有不同,以至最終詮釋的結果有所分岐,大致以牟宗三的“後外具說”、唐君毅的“能具內說”、錢穆的“後內具說”以及陳來的“本內具說”爲代表。從基本立場來看,牟、錢都是“後具”,與唐、陳的“本具”形成鮮明立場;幷且牟之“外具”與唐的“具內”、陳的“內具”也形成明顯差異。本文通過對朱子相關文本的梳理,發現“心具衆理”本身蘊含了兩個向度的涵義,一是心未發而爲中時,理本內具於心的狀態,此是“結構義”;二是心爲知覺全體時,能將理具于內而居主宰地位,此是“功能義”,幷且在朱子處,結構義優先於功能義。但無論從哪一種向度上言說,“心具衆理”這一命題都是限於存有層面言說,幷未走向工夫層面。


“Xin ju zhong li” 心具衆理 is one of the important propositions of Zhu Xi 朱熹 to investigate the relations between mind (xin 心) and principle (li 理). Zhu Xi first proposed this term in the Sishu zhangju jizhu 四書章句集注, and later further elaborated it in the Wenji 文集 and the Yulei 語類, and even till the later years before his death. As it has had much attention from the academia, because of scholars'different understandings and focuses on studying Zhu Xi's thinking, the results of the final interpretations became divergent. There were Mou Zongsan's 牟宗三 “hou wai ju shuo” 後外具說 which means principle is embraced by mind through practices, Tang Junyi's 唐君毅 “neng ju nei shuo” 能具內說 means the mind originally has the ability to embrace principle. Qian Mu's 錢穆 “hou ju shuo” 後具說 means principle embraced by mind as oneness through acquired practices. Chen Lai's 陳來 “ben nei ju shuo” 本內具說 means principle is innately and originally embraced by mind. Basically, Mou and Qian both suggest “hou ju” while Tang and Chen took a stand on “ben ju” 本具. Also, Mou's “wai ju” 外具 shows significant contrast against Tang's “ju nei” 具內 and Chen's “nei ju” 內具. It can be found that the meaning of “xin ju zhong li” contains two dimensions by researching through a combination of Zhu Xi's related texts. First is called “jie guo yi” 結構義 meaning when mind is in the undisturbed status, principle is innate together with mind as one,. Second is called “gong neng yi” 功能義 meaning when mind is the entity with complete consciousness, it has the ability to become dominant and embrace the principle into itself as one. In Zhu Xi's works, the “jie gou yi” takes precedence over the “gong neng yi.” However, no matter from which direction it is examined, Zhu Xi's proposition of “xin ju zhong li” is confined to the ontological level rather than the practical level.

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8從工夫論的角度論陽明哲學中良知與氣的關係

저자 : 리빈 ( Li Bin )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 31권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 175-191 (17 pages)

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當前學界對陽明哲學的硏究以“良知”爲中心而漸次展開,宋明理學中“理氣”或“性氣”的對立,在陽明心學中被轉換爲“良知”與“氣”的關係。“氣”在陽明哲學中的地位相比宋代理學那裡,有了極大的提高。首先,良知“以其流行謂之氣”命題的提出;其次,對“生之謂性”的重新評價,重申“性卽氣,氣卽性”,故良知發用不能“外了氣”;再次,“萬物一體”以“同此一氣”或“一氣流通”爲前提。但經過進一步考察我們發現,首先,“致良知”不致力於對治氣稟之雜,而是從本體上做工夫,自然達到“不動氣”的效驗。其次,“萬物一體”的本體論基礎仍然是“良知”,而非一般認爲的“氣”。再次,良知雖不可離氣而言,但終究是良知決定氣,而非氣決定良知。因此,陽明雖然重視“氣”,但他用“良知”吸納“氣”的做法,實際上消解了“氣”的客觀性。


At present, the study of Yangming's philosophy is centered on conscience 良知. But “conscience” in Yangming's philosophy is not a purely moral concept, but an ontological concept. In the Neo Confucianism of Song and Ming Dynasties, the opposition between qi 氣 and li 理 or qi and “human nature” (xing 性) was converted to the relationship between “conscience” and qi in Yangming's philosophy. The status of qi in Yangming philosophy has been greatly improved compared with the Song Dynasty. But for Yangming, “extending the conscience” (zhiliangzhi 致良知) is not committed to change qi in the human body, but to extend the conscience itself. The ontological foundation of “all things share one body” can only be “conscience” instead of qi. Therefore, conscience can not be separated from qi, but after all, conscience determines qi rather than qi determines conscience. Investigating the relationship between “conscience” and qi is of great significance for us to further grasp Yangming's philosophy and its inheritance and development of Neo-Confucianism with in the Song Dynasty. Therefore, although Yang ming attaches great importance to qi, his attempt to absorb qi with his conscience actually dispels the objectivity of qi.

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9朝鮮正祖朱子選本編纂與中國文獻關係芻論 ――以佚本《朱子選統》爲中心

저자 : 림유의 ( Lin Yu-yi )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 31권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 193-209 (17 pages)

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自朝鮮王朝建立以來,大力推行“崇儒抑佛”政策,儒學發展進入前所未有的全盛期。十八世紀後,被譽爲朝鮮王朝文藝復興君王的正祖,尤其推崇朱子學作爲儒學的重要一環,幷親自進行朱子選本的編纂,自世孫時期至1800年辭世的27年間,共編纂十冊朱子選本。
本文就正祖文集《弘齋全書》所收《群書標記》中,正祖對各朱子選本親撰的解題,考察正祖朱子選本的文獻來源與編纂方式,可知正祖幷非直接就《朱子大全》、《朱子語類》摘錄成書,而是多以前人選輯成果爲基礎,參校《朱子大全》、《朱子語類》二書,進行重新編排與刪削增補的作業。其中《朱子選統》一書雖已亡佚,然而藉由《群書標記》中〈朱子選統三卷〉一文目次,對比中國現存朱子選本,發現正祖《朱子選統》與康熙《御纂朱子全書》二書目次幾乎一致。康熙《御纂朱子全書》一書的編纂動機,乃欲編成一部富國安民、統一學術的重要典籍,與正祖完成“一通之書”,以朱子學敎化天下的心願頗爲吻合。本文認爲,在《御纂朱子全書》傳入朝鮮後,正祖見康熙已完成一部“朱子全書”,興起效尤之心,乃以此書爲本進行《朱子選統》的編纂。通過本文新發現的史料關聯,將可提供正祖朱子學硏究一項新的資料。


In this paper, I examined the source and compilation method of collected works of Zhu Xi by King Jeongjo through the articles in the Gunseo pyogi 群書標記 written by King Jeongjo. I found that King Jeongjo used to refer to many previous collected works of Zhu Xi by Joseon scholars, instead of using the original source of Zhuzi daquan 朱子大全 and Zhuzi yulei 朱子語類 directly when he compiled collected works of Zhu Xi.
Among the collected works of Zhu Xi compiled by King Jeongjo, the Juja seontong 朱子選統 was lost but the preface remains in the Gunseo pyogi. By this article, the contents can be confirmed. By comparing the contents of Jujaseontong with the previous collected works of Zhu Xi, which are remaining in Korea and China, I found out the Juja seontong by King Jeongjo and the Yuzuan Zhuzi quanshu 御纂朱子全書 by Emperor Kangxi both share exactly the same table of contents. This paper argues that King Jeongjo found out Emperor Kangxi already completed Zhu Xi's works, Zhuzi daquan 朱子大全 and Zhuzi yulei 朱子語類, after the Yuzuan Zhuzi quanshu was brought into Joseon. King Jeongjo planned to compile the Juja seontong based on this book as a trial to compile the most perfectly collected works of Zhu Xi for Joseon scholars. The analysis of the new relationship between the historical data can provide us with new material for the study of Neo-Confucianism by King Jeongjo.

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10牟宗三論社會主義

저자 : 진영년 ( Chen Ying-nian )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 유교문화연구소 간행물 : Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 31권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 211-227 (17 pages)

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牟宗三對什麼是社會主義、如何建設社會主義等問題有著持續而深入的思考,幷將其與自己的“道德的形上學”建構嵌套在了一起。牟宗三看重資本主義向社會主義的過渡,認爲這是實現儒家“大同”的必然要求,其論述主要有四個方面:一是社會主義經濟上的公有和拘束,必須從資本主義的自由經濟中“孳乳”出來;二是無産階級的自由、民主等旣要能向“垂直”方向上的“天德”或“神性”伸展,同時又以保障“水平面”上的集會、結社、言論、出版、罷工等的自由爲條件;三是社會主義以經濟權利、政治權利等作爲底子,但目標却在精神生活的自由,社會主義必定非常重視文化建設;四是實現了經濟權利、政治權利、文化權利的社會主義,才可說“有中國特色的社會主義”,卽“質的社會主義”,才最有利於實現人的社會權利。牟宗三的這些論述旣體現了當時的某些共識,也反映了他的政治哲學的獨特性,可爲今天社會主義建設的借鏡。


Mou Zongsan's concept of socialism is closely linked to his moral metaphysics. He emphasized the importance of transition from capitalism to socialism and regarded it as the inevitable for the realization of Confucian concept of datong 大同. There were four main aspects of his discourse: First, capitalist free economy breed public ownership and the plan of the socialist economy; second, the capitalist free politics breeds proletarian freedom and proletarian democracy; third, and yet the goal of socialism is the freedom of spiritual life, and socialism must require cultural construction; last, only then can we say that socialism with Chinese characteristics, namely qualitative socialism, is most conducive to the realization of human rights. These arguments of Mou Zongsan reflect not only common sense at that time, but also the characteristics of his political philosophy, which can be used as a mirror for today.

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안동대학교 동국대학교 서울대학교 성균관대학교 Yanbian University
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